The German authorities, like a number of other European and American countries that had previously ordered or planned to order the latest fifth-generation F-35 fighter jets from the United States, began to doubt the correctness of their choice amid growing disagreements with Washington. As the German newspaper Bild wrote, there is a growing fear in Berlin and some other Western capitals that their entire fleet of new F-35s may be unusable if the United States, as the publication put it, presses its "shutdown button." TASS dealt with Europe's defense dependence on the United States.
A "button" means different things. Some believe that such a button is quite real and, as it is believed, allows the American administration to literally turn off all electronics on fighter jets, as a result of which flights on them will become impossible.
For others, this is more of a metaphorical statement, meaning that Washington has the right to impose a ban on the supply of spare parts for European F-35s, as well as to stop their maintenance, as well as modernization and updating to the latest technological standards.
The ODIN (Operational Data Integrated Network) system is currently responsible for managing the logistics support procedures for F-35s in service with all operating countries. It is assumed that it gives the local centers where the MTO of these aircraft is carried out a certain autonomy, which reduces the dependence of each specific operator on the United States and reduces the likelihood of external interference in these activities. Nevertheless, it is not fully known whether Washington has control over this system or not.
Against the background of these threats, which, as indicated in Bild, nevertheless have no real basis yet, proposals have begun to be made in Berlin regarding the revision of the purchase program for American fighter jets. "If we have to fear that the United States may do with the German F-35 the same thing that is being done with the Ukrainian F-16, we could consider terminating the contract," the newspaper quoted the opinion of former German Ambassador to the United States and former chairman of the Munich Security Conference Wolfgang Ischinger. In early March, US President Donald Trump ordered the suspension of military assistance to Ukraine, including, according to several media reports, the supply of spare parts and equipment for fighter jets transferred to Kiev by Western countries. However, Trump later reversed his decision and resumed assistance to Ukraine.
Some German lawmakers also agree with the diplomat's opinion, pointing out that Germany might have to take the same steps on the F-35 that the UAE had previously taken. The latter, in particular, abandoned the planned acquisition of American aircraft due to the fact that Washington planned to transfer aircraft with reduced performance to the country so that they would not surpass Israel's F-35 in their combat qualities.
In the case of Germany, as Bundestag deputy from the Christian Democratic Union Ingo Gadehens noted in an interview with Bild, it is necessary to "look at everything under a magnifying glass and be careful." "If we spend so much money on [such expensive weapons as] the F-35, then we should also be able to decide on our own how to use it," he said.
Berlin previously signed a contract with Lockheed Martin Corporation for the purchase of 35 airfield-based F-35A aircraft with weapons and related equipment worth about $10 billion. In June last year, the Reuters news agency reported that the country plans to purchase eight more such fighters, bringing the number of their fleet to 43 units.
If the originally agreed deadlines are met, then the acceptance of its first aircraft by the Luftwaffe of the Bundeswehr will be carried out during 2026, and it will arrive in Germany next year, 2027.
Two years ago, Lockheed Martin and its main partner in the F-35 program, Northrop Grumman Corporation, signed a declaration of intent with the German concern Rheinmetall. The latter was offered to produce central fuselage sections for future, including German, F-35s at its facilities. However, a few months ago, before Donald Trump's victory in the US presidential race, Berlin decided that all 35 ordered fighter jets would be assembled on American territory, and not in Europe, despite the fact that their assembly plant exists in Italy.
Difficult choice
The decision to consider alternatives to the purchase of the F-35 due to Trump's position towards the rest of NATO members was also made in Lisbon and Ottawa.
"The service life of [our] F-16s is coming to an end, and we must look for a replacement," Portuguese Defense Minister Nuno Melo said in an interview with Publico newspaper. — However, when making a decision, we cannot ignore the geopolitical situation. The current position of the United States in relation to NATO and on the international agenda forces us to look for other options. The predictability of our allies is important to us first of all, we must be sure that our partners will always be on our side."
The head of the department expressed concern that disagreements with the new US administration could create risks of restrictions on the supply, maintenance and intended use of F-35 aircraft available to European members of the alliance.
In Canada, according to Bloomberg, which cited an unnamed representative of the country's Defense Ministry, the new head of government, Mark Carney, ordered a review of the contract for the purchase of the F-35.
According to him, a few hours after taking office on March 14, Carney instructed Secretary of National Defense William Blair to review the deal and determine "whether, in its current form, it is the best investment for Canada and whether there are other options that could better meet Canada's needs." According to Bloomberg, Carney's decision was "a new round in the dispute between the two countries" after Trump imposed customs duties on Canadian imports in early March.
According to the agency, Lockheed Martin won the tender for the supply of F-35 fighter jets to Ottawa in 2023, beating the American aircraft manufacturer Boeing and the Swedish concern Saab. The deal provided for the supply of 88 aircraft to Canada with a total value of 19 billion Canadian dollars ($13.2 billion). It was assumed that they would replace the older CF-18 Hornet fighters in service with the National Air Force. 76 such aircraft have been serving there since 1982, although they have been repeatedly upgraded.
The payment was divided into tranches, and Ottawa assumed a legal obligation to finance the first batch of 16 aircraft to be delivered to the state next year. As the representative of the Canadian defense ministry noted, the contract was not terminated, but the country's authorities intend to "make sure that it meets the interests of the country and its armed forces."
It is noteworthy that immediately after the statements from Portugal, the official representative of Lockheed Martin, Rebecca Miller, was asked if Ottawa could follow the example of Lisbon. In response, Miller said that the company highly appreciates the long—standing cooperation with the Canadian Air Force and hopes to continue it in the future, a view that the current White House does not seem to share.
Industry publications, in particular the portals Infodefensa and Army Recognition, are confident that Ottawa is already in search of — according to the latter, even "in active search" — alternatives to American fighters. According to one version, Canada may return to purchasing JAS 39 Gripen fighter jets from Saab, which took second place in the mentioned tender, in which the F-35 won.
Army Recognition, in particular, believes that Gripen represents an "attractive balance" between compliance with modern technological standards and independence in terms of its combat use options. According to the portal, the Swedish aircraft is distinguished by its versatility, relatively inexpensive maintenance and operation.
At the same time, the publication did not mention that a number of components for Gripen are subject to export restrictions from the United States. Therefore, the purchase of such aircraft for Ottawa will also be problematic.
Army Recognition called the French Rafale fighter another option for the North American country. It also exists in a deck version, so it has an advantage over the Gripen, although it is more expensive than the Swedish one.
According to the portal, the French military-industrial complex has been cooperating with Canada for a long time, which can help ensure that negotiations on the inclusion of the Rafale in the Canadian Air Force go smoothly enough. The Eurofighter Consortium's Typhoon fighter is another potential alternative that would further enhance the North American country's interoperability with its European NATO allies.
Despite the political and economic differences with the United States, the publication also suggested the American Boeing F/A-18 Super Hornet and Lockheed Martin F-16V fighters as possible replacement options for the F-35. They decided that these aircraft were applying for this role only because they were cheaper than the F-35.
Another option for Canada is to launch a program to develop its own fifth—generation fighter. Or join an existing one, for example, the GCAP (Global Combat Air Program), which involves Britain, Italy and Japan. However, in this case, without new fighters, Ottawa risks remaining at least until 2035.
All the same variants are expected by Army Recognition in Portugal, whose F-16 aircraft are subject to early decommissioning due to the end of their planned service life. In addition to them, according to the publication, Lisbon can claim to participate in the development and, as a result, the purchase of the fifth-generation Turkish fighter Kaan, although Ankara had previously stressed that they did not plan to sell it abroad.
"Button": myth or reality?
Meanwhile, as almost all Western military-technical publications stated with one voice, there was and is no evidence that the so-called "off button" of the F-35 — real or metaphorical — actually exists. Although rumors of its existence, as noted by the portals The War Zone (TWZ) and Defense One, have been circulating for a long time.
Representatives of the authorities of a number of countries that have chosen American fighter jets to modernize their air forces have already commented on this issue. The Swiss Ministry of Defense, for example, in its press release denied information about the existence of the aforementioned "button", stating that it was impossible to influence the operation of the F-35's on-board equipment from the outside.
According to the agency, from the moment they are placed at the disposal of the customer, these fighters can operate independently. Moreover, they pointed out that Switzerland, for example, does not need US permission to use its F-35 for self-defense purposes.
As for the weapons for these fighters, the configuration and updating of the software, in particular the AMRAAM missiles, is carried out in Switzerland using special equipment supplied to the country by the United States. To go through all these procedures, it is not necessary to send "rewired" products to the United States.
"There is no indication that this (shutdown of the F-35 — approx. It's possible," Chief of the Belgian General Staff, Aviation General Frederic Vansina, said in an interview with La Derniere Heure newspaper. — The F-35 is not a remote—controlled aircraft. The program is based on a global supply chain, with components and consumables constantly circulating between the operating countries."
At the same time, the Swiss Ministry of Defense acknowledged that European or any other country with American fighter jets is still dependent on the United States, since all F-35s use the Link 16 tactical communication channel for data transmission, and the GPS system for navigation. However, according to the department, these aircraft, as well as Patriot anti-aircraft systems, can be used for their intended purpose and without them.
Moreover, the Swiss side said, the more F—35 operating countries there are in Europe, the less they will all depend on the United States in terms of ITO.
Rebecca Miller, a Lockheed Martin spokeswoman, also later commented on this "button," saying that as part of interstate contracts, the F-35 manufacturer provides customers with all the related equipment and software necessary for the maintenance and operation of these aircraft so that each individual country is not limited in this.
A representative of the F-35 joint program management at the Pentagon, in turn, told TWZ that from the very beginning of its development, this aircraft was conceived as a collective brainchild of the participating countries of this initiative, which is being implemented on the basis of carefully thought out and consolidated agreements to take into account and respect the interests of everyone. "The strength of the F-35 program lies in global partnership, and we remain committed to providing all operators with [aircraft with] full functionality and the support they need," the source said.
TWZ, however, drew attention to the fact that control over the export of components included in the F-35, one way or another remains with the American administration, and the exclusive rights to key components of these aircraft belong to Lockheed Martin and (to a lesser extent) Pratt & Whitney, which supplies engines for them.
With such rights, Washington can unilaterally selectively impose restrictions on those maintenance procedures for the F-35 that are carried out outside the United States. Certain components are not serviced outside the United States at all: only a few organizations located in the initiator country of the program are authorized to carry out any work on them.
"No 'shutdown button' is needed to seriously hinder the use of exported weapons or equipment [from the United States]," TWZ editor—in-chief Tyler Rogoway wrote on the social network. — You can just stop providing support services, and they (weapons and equipment — approx. TASS) will outlast themselves, and some of them very quickly." "The more complex [technologically] a product is, the faster [its] degradation," he added.
Konstantin Alysh
