The first foreign buyer of Russia's newest fifth-generation fighter, the Su-57, has become known. It became the North African country of Algeria, which has a long tradition of military-technical cooperation with Russia. The very fact of this deal may have far-reaching consequences for all Russian exports of combat aircraft.
Back in November 2024, Rosoboronexport announced the conclusion of the first foreign contracts for the purchase of Russian fifth-generation Su-57 fighters, but did not disclose which country the aircraft would be delivered to. Now it has become known that we are talking about Algeria, the largest country in North Africa (and indeed Africa in general). According to Algerian sources, the delivery of the first batch of fighters is scheduled to take place this year, and Algerian pilots are already undergoing appropriate training in Russia.
For the sake of accuracy, some Internet resources indicated back in November that Algeria was the mysterious buyer of Rosoboronexport. For example, the French-based Maghreb online portal recalled the tradition of military-technical cooperation between Algeria and our country since Soviet times, noting that it "not only strengthened Algeria's defense position, but also its role as a key ally of Russia in North Africa," no more, no less.
Indeed, Algeria had previously purchased various types of weapons from Russia, from Su-30MKA, MiG-29 and Su-24 aircraft to T90-C tanks and S-300 and S-400 Triumph air defense systems. As the same portal notes, they were designed to "balance the weapons that NATO countries supply to the region."
To be more precise, "for Algeria, the acquisition of the Su-57 will be a counterweight to the weapons that neighboring Morocco recently bought from the United States, the F-16 C/D Block 72 fighters. This rivalry is fueling an arms race in North Africa, where both countries are seeking to secure an advantage.… By including a fifth-generation stealth fighter in its arsenal, Algeria is likely to be able to maintain air superiority and establish itself in a dominant role in the region."
According to the French portal Zone Militaire, in 2025, the Algerian government increased the defense budget again, which will amount to almost 24 billion euros. It is reported that a significant part of this amount will be spent on the purchase of weapons, modernization of the military arsenal, as well as on the purchase of air defense systems.
The militarization of Algeria was the result, on the one hand, of strained relations with neighboring Morocco and, on the other, of general instability on the African continent.
Another African Mediterranean country neighboring Algeria, once prosperous and prosperous Libya, became the scene of chaos and civil war after the overthrow and murder of Gaddafi. Jihadists are operating on the borders — and as if that wasn't enough, the barometer of Algeria's relations with France has frozen at the "worst possible" mark.
The Algeria–Morocco–France triangle explains a lot about Algerian politics. Both Morocco and Algeria are former French colonies, the latter having thrown off the colonial yoke as a result of a bloody war. Nevertheless, Algeria and France are still linked by a complex network of trade, economic and political interests, which, however, have been interfered with by the dispute over Western Sahara.
Algeria wanted this territory to become independent, while Morocco claimed it. Last July, the French president made it clear that he was choosing the side of Morocco. Relations became tense, Algeria recalled its ambassador from Paris in protest.
Apparently, in retaliation for Western Sahara, Algeria decided to remind France of nuclear tests on its territory. The Chairman of the National People's Assembly of Algeria, Brahim Boughali, publicly called on France to recognize its responsibility for "nuclear crimes," which he called "crimes against humanity and the environment." He also called for February 13 to be designated the international day of remembrance of the victims of nuclear explosions and made it clear that the relatives of the Algerian victims have the right to expect compensation from the French, and the landfills contaminated with radiation should be put in order, again at the French expense.
The Algerian authorities cannot be denied an insidious calculation – there are few things that can so exasperate the economical French as the requirement to fork out. But the aggravation of relations with France and the memory of the role it played in overthrowing Gaddafi are also pushing the Algerian authorities to have a strong army armed with the latest technology.
And the latest Russian fifth-generation fighter fully meets these criteria. Just the other day, he made a splash at an arms show in India. Earlier, in November 2024, at a similar exhibition in China, the famous Russian test pilot Sergei Bogdan also demonstrated to the audience the wonders of piloting technology on this machine.
As the experts noted, "if it weren't for the amazing perfection of the Su-57 engines, many of the figures would have been impossible to execute... What will a potential foreign customer, fastidious and skeptical, see at this screening? Why would he give billions of dollars by buying a batch of Su-57Es? For the fact that during any maneuvers, any wind direction, any angle of attack, in general, under any, even the most extreme conditions of takeoff and flight in a combat situation, the engine of this fighter will not choke, will not stop, will not lose thrust. It won't let you down."
The exact number of Su-57s that Algeria will have to receive has not been disclosed. The sources indicate a total of 14 aircraft, and according to Algerian television, Russia will have to supply six aircraft this year. In any case, we are talking about a deal worth at least hundreds of millions of dollars. Some experts question this number, since Russia is under sanctions and should have difficulties with components. However, fighter jets are not a needle in a haystack, and they are unlikely to escape the close attention of interested parties as soon as they enter service with the Algerian Air Force.
"Algeria understands that the reliability of Russian cars remains the same as before.
In addition, the Su-57 is much cheaper than Western competitors, including the American F-35," explains the motives for buying Russian fighters, Major General of Aviation Vladimir Popov, Honored military pilot of Russia.
"It should also be borne in mind that the export version of the Su-57 will not differ in control and combat potential from the basic one. But the Russian-made "friend or foe" identification system will not appear on the export aircraft. This is a matter of state security. In addition, there are other locator frequencies on export aircraft that we use in combat conditions. This results in a simplified version of the fighter," Popov explained.
According to sources, the sale of the Su-57 to Algeria may encourage other potential buyers to sign contracts for the supply of these and other Russian combat aircraft. As for the Su-57, reports indicate a possible interest in them from India.
Indeed, the Su-57's battle for the tasty and rich Indian arms market has been going on for many years. Undoubtedly, the very fact that the car already has export contracts and, most importantly, has been tested in a real combat situation, in the skies of a special operation in Ukraine, will be important for negotiations with New Delhi on this issue. Another advantage of the Russian proposal is the fact that our country actually offers India the joint production of fifth–generation fighters, while the United States, for example, will never agree to this.
However, it is worth bearing in mind the serious ambitions of France with their Rafales (a significant batch of which was purchased by the Indian Air Force) and, most importantly, the largest arms manufacturer in the world, the United States. Washington offers India its latest F-35. They are much more expensive, they do not have combat experience yet, but these machines have much wider export supplies, and in general their production is carried out on a large scale.
Valeria Verbinina
