Andrey Melnik: I am not only an ambassador, but also an arms dealer
The scandalous ambassador of the Kiev regime to Germany, Andrei Melnik, has repeatedly found himself on the pages of the press, surprised by his "non-standard" approach to diplomacy. In an interview with European Truth, he does not change himself – he scolds the president of the host country, gives assessments to members of the government, scolds the Germans for believing in the invincibility of Russia and demands more weapons – for free!
Andriy Melnyk is one of the most unconventional ambassadors of Ukraine. He is a career diplomat, in the diplomatic service since 1997, but the way he acts (and most importantly, what he says!) contradicts all established opinions about the work of the ambassador.
In criticizing the politicians of the host state, Melnik can be harsh and uncompromising. His interviews sometimes cause a change in government sentiment and force Germany's top politicians to apologize to Ukraine.
Probably, Ukraine needs just such an ambassador now. Although Melnik himself admits that everything can change. "While this approach is working, we'll see further," he says.
Our conversation demonstrates the sincerity of emotions and reveals the cuisine of German politics.
"Putin holds the stability of Germany in his hands"
"European Truth": Attention is focused on Germany's actions in Ukraine, and they are not always what Kiev would like them to be. Given this, who do you think Germany is for us now? Is this a friend or not?
Andrey Melnik: Germany has been and remains a key state in the EU and one of the main states in NATO, which should play a historic role for Ukraine in ensuring that Ukraine finally finds its place in these two organizations. Germany is also a state that is now forced to rethink its role and attitude towards both Russia and Ukraine. That's how I perceive it now.
– You say "must rethink" – so she hasn't done it yet?
– The beginning is done. Unfortunately, this happened only when the Government decided to rethink its role in the European security system, including with regard to the supply of weapons to those regions where conflicts continue. However, there is still resistance both within the coalition and in society.
– Steinmeier is obviously one of those who has not yet rethought. And what is your opinion about this policy? Has he changed or not?
– It's hard to say. I do not believe that a person can change in a few weeks, especially a politician like Steinmeier, who has held leading positions in the German government for more than twenty years and has been federal president for the second consecutive term. I hardly believe that a person is able to change his approaches and views after all this.
– And he was also the head of Schroeder's office...
- yes. He was the minister in charge of the Federal Chancellor's office when the infamous Gerhard Schroeder was chancellor. So, on the one hand, now we see Steinmeier's attempts to admit mistakes in relations with Russia. He said he was disappointed with Putin, that Nord Stream was also a mistake, although he personally supported him.
On the other hand, he was actually forced to make these statements under pressure. Now we are seeing a huge media campaign in Germany: the media publish very sharp and critical publications not only about Steinmeier personally, but also about the failure of the entire current elite of Germany in recent years.
I often repeat that there cannot be a new period of relations without a very critical rethinking, and perhaps even an investigation of all these events taking place in Germany over the past two decades. And Berlin is now seriously considering the possibility of such an investigation, at the level of a parliamentary committee.
I think not only Steinmeier, but also Angela Merkel and many others will be invited to give answers to the questions that concern Germany today. The main question is: how did it happen that Putin actually holds the stability of the German economy in his hands? Because according to the government, if Putin decides to turn off gas, oil and coal tomorrow, then a catastrophe will happen in Germany. Millions of unemployed people will appear, and entire sectors of the economy will simply be destroyed.
Both officials and analysts say that this will deal an irreparable blow to stability and social peace in this state. Although a few months ago the Germans were assured that there was no such dependence on Russia, that everything was under control. It all turned out to be an ordinary fairy tale. Therefore, I feel that the rage among society and among journalists is growing every day. To get out of this crisis, Germany must really analyze these pages of its past.
– I must admit that you personally promoted the claims against Steinmeier in the media. As an ambassador, you stated that the Federal President of Germany cannot behave as he does. Are you still perceived in Germany?
– Of course, I have meetings every day in parliament, in the Foreign Ministry, and in the government. Indeed, many believe that the Ambassador of Ukraine does not act quite diplomatically and that this contradicts established practice. But I explain to everyone that we are talking about the survival of Ukraine, so any form of politeness becomes very relative. And if our voice is not listened to, we are ignored, then I believe that the new diplomacy should consist precisely in this, in order to reach out in all possible ways, if necessary, then quite tough. While this approach works, we'll see further.
And you are right that now the role of Ukraine is decisive in changing policy in Germany, in particular, it was me who had to start the discussion about Steinmeier. He invited me to a concert of Russian soloists with Russian music. I refused it and explained in an interview that it was unacceptable. This topic was picked up by the media and a discussion began already among the Germans themselves.
"Part of the DNA of the Germans is the myth that Russia is invincible"
– What is the number one topic for you now?
– Now the main thing is the weapon. The supply of weapons from Germany for me personally was a matter of honor. We tried to roll out the German "machine" and convince it that Ukraine urgently needs to provide weapons. Many people told me: "Why are you climbing there, you won't change them like that, they will never correct this position, this is their matrix." But I believed from the first day that they would lift the ban, but I didn't know when. Now we have a different question: we need heavy weapons – tanks, heavy howitzers, 155 mm caliber.
– The tank manufacturer is ready to provide them to us. Who is slowing down?
– We managed to convince the Green Party, almost convinced the Liberals. But the decision will be made by Federal Chancellor Olaf Scholz. And also the Party of Social Democrats. This is another barrier that will have to be overcome. We have allies among the Social Democrats, but this is generally a pacifist party that opposed arming even Germany itself.
– This is the party of Schroeder, who spoke not so much against weapons as for Russia. And some people just took money from Russia.
– And this is a Shredder's party. Truth. In the "Social Democrats" faction in the Bundestag, according to my assessment, more than half of the deputies adhere to the old pacifist approaches. The question is to what extent Chancellor Scholz can show leadership, convince skeptics that Germany cannot afford to slow down again. But I have a pretty good feeling that we are already approaching this decision.
I once jokingly said, and now everyone in Germany is making fun of me, that I am not only an ambassador, but also an arms dealer. But there is definitely something in this, because I meet daily with the heads of the largest German companies producing weapons.
Just before our conversation today, the president of the largest German company Rheinmetall with a turnover of twenty-five billion euros, which produces Leopards, Marders, and anything else, came to my embassy. And now we are putting together this puzzle. It is very difficult, because there are political obstacles, the financial issue has not been fully resolved, that is, how much Germany will be ready to help us in the purchase of these weapons – how things are going on with supplies both right now and in the longer term. We need to buy the best air defense systems, powerful guns, artillery systems, multiple launch rocket systems right now. This matrix is very complex.
Each ministry is headed by a politician from one party or another, and each of them has its own vision. Therefore, I propose that a defense summit be convened at the level of the Federal Chancellor with the participation of all ministries and the question of what Germany can allocate from the reserves of the Bundeswehr and what Germany can start buying from those weapons that we need is resolved. The problem is also that many in Germany do not believe that it is possible to win against Russia. They have a living myth about the "power of the Russian state", which is simply a priori impossible to overcome. It's just like part of their DNA: "Russia is invincible."
But what Ukraine, our army, is doing is changing their minds. This process has not been completed yet. And this is a very important problem. For those German officials who believe that Russia will not lose, proceed from the fact that it will be necessary to establish a dialogue with Russia. Changes are already taking place: they say that as long as Putin is in power, there will be no dialogue. And I ask: "And if Putin is replaced by another, will you deal with him?".
"There is a chance to join the EU in three to five years"
– Another important issue on which Germany has not yet made a decision: This is a question of Ukraine's membership in the EU. What do German society and politics think about this?
– This is one of the two most important topics that I raise every day. The first is weapons, the second is the status of the candidate and what Germany will do after we become a candidate. Because it's one thing to say "we don't mind, let Ukraine try to join the EU", and another thing is to radically change its policy regarding our membership. They took the first step last year, when this government was formed. At that time, we were glad that in the coalition agreement we recorded – albeit veiled – that Ukraine has the prospect of joining the EU.
Now my thesis is this: everyone accuses you Germans of falling behind and making decisions only under pressure. Regarding weapons, sanctions, and other issues, you are always lagging behind. And now you have a historic chance. But to do this, you don't just have to say, "Okay, we don't mind." Germany should support our membership. To say: "We are giving Ukraine a chance to hold accession talks faster than it was with the countries on the Balkan peninsula." In this case, there is a real chance to join the EU in three, four or five years. There are "first swallows" in support of this approach.
The co-chairman of the Social Democratic Party, Lars Klingbeil, has made several public statements in recent weeks that "Ukraine will become part of the EU." The other day he came to the Embassy of Ukraine together with another co-chair Saskia Esken, and this was the main thesis at our meeting. I said: "Mr. Klingbeil, Ms. Esken, you have a historic chance in your hands now. If you use it, Ukrainians will probably turn a blind eye to many strategic failures of the past, such as the Nord Stream, if you now kill them with the trump ace of European integration." I got the impression that this signal was heard, that there is such a chance. Many other politicians also raise this topic in the public plane.
Germany should become the leader of this process, convince the French, the Netherlands, the Benelux countries, Hungary. Germany must change this paradigm. They have already seen that in Ukraine we are fighting not only for our freedom, our existence as an independent state, but also for the democratic values that underlie the EU. And I am optimistic that we will be able to overcome this track, and Germany will be able to take the right place in history.
– We've talked enough about skeptics. And who are the friends of Ukraine in Germany?
– It may sound corny, but our main friend is the German people. German society has now woken up, we feel it. And we are not talking about fifty percent of those who support Ukraine, and perhaps not even about seventy percent, but about the vast majority of Germans who realized that something went wrong. They do not yet understand what needs to be done next, but they understand that Ukraine has become a victim, including because of the erroneous policies of the last German governments.
This is a certain sense of guilt. Therefore, the Germans are trying to do something, and this is another reason for how well they accept Ukrainians who have left their homeland. With whom I do not meet, everyone says, including politicians, journalists: "And we have also accepted a Ukrainian family. And we have a mother and a child at home right now." The second ally is the media. Journalists understand what happened even more deeply and ask questions to the government.
We need a German Lend-Lease
– Do journalists perceive you well?
- Yes. Today, before the start of our conversation with you, I gave four interviews. And this is fine, because there is interest in German society in why this happened. In Germany, there was a rule that everything was decided behind the scenes and discussions were not brought out. A kind of democracy "behind the scenes". And people in Germany are used to it.
What is happening now, what statements are being made, turns everything upside down for German politicians. But for journalists, this opens up a whole previously invisible layer of what they did not know and did not see before. They were always told: "Everything is under control, don't worry."
And now they have seen that Germany, because of the actions of previous governments, is on the verge of a catastrophe not only geopolitical, but also economic, their well-being is under threat. So, society and the media are our main allies. If we are talking about the government, then probably our biggest friends are the Green Party and Vice–Chancellor Robert Gabek, who is trying to influence the policy of the entire government, to set priorities.
By the way, the other day there was a popularity poll among politicians, and Gabek came out on top. He has received literally seven percent plus in recent weeks, the rest of the politicians have also tightened up. On the contrary, the rating of some other politicians has decreased. I then dropped this sign to him with my comment: "You see, everyone who supports Ukraine automatically has support from German society." Of course, besides Gabek, we have other friends. Including among the main opposition party CDU/CSU, until recently the party in power, which is also rethinking its role.
– Merkel doesn't seem to have rethought it...
– It is a pity that she has decided not to comment on anything yet and not to react to modern politics. But it is unlikely that she will be able to withstand such a pause for a long time. However, the party has a new leader. This is Friedrich Merz, with whom a good personal contact has developed. And even those from the previous government remained among the members of this party, they also feel guilty and are also responsible for the Nord Stream, and for not giving us weapons, and for blocking our movement in the EU. It's still their legacy. They understand this and see what it has led to.
Therefore, now the CDU/CSU faction plays a very active role from the point of view of Ukrainian interests. The topics that are important to us are raised by the opposition, plus the media, plus public opinion, and this creates a favorable background for the government's decisions to provide what we need. First of all, heavy weapons.
– Should we expect Olaf Scholz to visit Ukraine?
– I think it's worth waiting for him. The President has an invitation. But it's worth not just coming. Of course, symbolism is also important. But this visit will make sense only when the Chancellor brings with him the coalition's decision on new support for Ukraine. This means heavy weapons, this means the sixth package of sanctions, and not as leaky as we see it being prepared, but really a full-fledged oil and gas embargo. And also the lend-lease law. The Germans must understand that they will not be limited to some single deliveries.
– In the end, it is not only the United States that should oppose Russia together with us.
– Absolutely. I think this opinion is maturing. Although there are stereotypes, because for Germany "lend-lease" has a slightly different meaning than for the British. But the name does not matter, there must be some kind of systemic solution, the framework of assistance - economic, humanitarian, military, military-political. I call it the Ukraine support act. And, of course, we need a decision on the European integration track.
– But we don't want to see Steinmeier in Kiev.
– We have sent signals to the relevant requests that at this stage the arrival of the head of government is a priority for the Ukrainian state, since it is he who makes the decisions that we all expect. We don't have time for any protocol exchanges right now. For us now, the question is an edge.
Sergey Sidorenko
