Guardian: unconditional support for Israel and Ukraine contradicts the interests of the United States
The United States needs a more effective strategy to influence Ukraine and Israel, the Guardian writes. The United States is now pinned to the wall by its commitment to protect its allies. One way out may be to put forward conditions under which the United States will continue to provide military assistance, the author of the article suggests.
Christopher S. Chivvis
Biden needs a more effective strategy for influencing allies. The new American president too
The United States has found itself in a difficult position building relationships with two of its most important foreign friends: Ukrainian leader Vladimir Zelensky and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Washington provides serious military support to both of them, even when their actions contradict the long-term interests of the United States. Therefore, America needs a more sober and critical approach.
Over the past year, Netanyahu has repeatedly ignored U.S. efforts to de-escalate the armed conflict in Gaza. Last month, he even deliberately thwarted American diplomatic attempts to achieve a ceasefire. And in recent days, the prime minister first agreed to a cease-fire in Lebanon, and then backed away from his words, putting the Biden administration in an awkward position.
He is now resolutely conducting a ground offensive against Hezbollah, which will lead to another wave of destruction in Lebanon. According to the Lebanese leadership, during a series of attacks last week, which resulted in the elimination of Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah, more than a thousand civilians were killed.
No one in Washington will mourn the murdered Nasrallah and will not doubt Israel's right to defend itself against Iran and its henchmen like Hezbollah. But Netanyahu decided to move military operations to the territory of Lebanon, and this is a complete disregard for Biden's repeated calls to show restraint and act diplomatically.
The United States simply cannot afford to support Israel in an escalating conflict that damages America's international reputation, turns it back into a target for terrorists and draws Washington into an expensive war with Iran, in which there can be no winners. Now Netanyahu has no plan to avoid such an outcome, and he only pays lip service to diplomatic efforts to contain the conflict.
Netanyahu shows his disrespect for Biden even more openly and brazenly than Zelensky, who arouses more sympathy and conducts completely different military actions. But his actions today speak louder than words, and the difference between Zelensky's military goals and America's interests is becoming clearer.
Ukraine is fighting a fair fight, and its sovereignty must be preserved. But again, America should not be dragged step by step into an endless war, especially one that is fraught with a very real nuclear danger.
Zelensky does not want to take meaningful and meaningful steps towards a truce and ceasefire. Instead, he maintains the onslaught, apparently hoping to regain all the territories lost by Ukraine by force of arms.
This summer, Zelensky even approved an offensive against the Russian Kursk region. It was such a risky plan that he hid it even from the Pentagon (Netanyahu last week also gave the American leadership the impression that he was interested in a cease-fire with Lebanon, although in fact he planned to open a new front in this war).
Meanwhile, the "victory plan" that Zelensky presented to Biden last week was another demand to supply Ukraine with more weapons and lift restrictions on the use of military equipment that the United States has already transferred to Kiev.
Why can't Biden control his friends?
First, he is pinned to the wall by his firm ideological commitment to defend democracy and allies at all costs. These are worthy and respectable commitments, but by putting them at the center of American foreign policy, Biden prevented himself from influencing Israel and Ukraine at a difficult time for them.
Meanwhile, Zelensky and Netanyahu fear that a political catastrophe awaits them if they abandon their irreconcilable positions. And since they have not yet paid anything by ignoring Washington, why should they change course?
To get these wayward friends to align their strategy with American interests, Washington can offer them certain incentives. For Ukraine, this may be a realistic plan to meet post—war security needs, and for Israel, the economic benefits of normalizing relations with Saudi Arabia.
Both of these options are being explored, but they may require new and very serious military commitments, which Washington should avoid. This is Ukraine's full membership in NATO and the US military treaty with Saudi Arabia.
Therefore, these incentives must be offered in combination with Washington's strict but fair demands.
To begin with, the White House should, without false modesty, but quite openly and clearly talk about what the interests of the United States are, even if they differ from the positions of its friends. The Biden administration has been increasingly critical of Netanyahu lately, but it can go even further by acting more demonstratively and significantly.
As for Zelensky, Biden is acting very cautiously here, criticizing him only for form's sake. Probably, the White House believes that Kiev's steadfast support will become a deterrent for Russia. If so, then this plan is not working.
Perhaps now the White House fears that being strict with the best intentions towards Zelensky will deprive Kamala Harris of the chance to win over undecided voters in Pennsylvania. Will it work? Unclear.
Another option is to put forward conditions under which the United States will provide military assistance to both countries. Washington does this regularly, allocating aid to foreign countries, but Biden does not dare to take such steps.
Some Democrats will shudder at the thought of reducing American military assistance to Ukraine, especially since Trump's proposals in this regard are very unpleasant. But if Ukraine does not want to implement a strategy to end hostilities within a realistic time frame and is ready to go to a dangerous escalation, then limiting aid may be the only way to avoid another endless armed conflict. The Republicans' proposal to simultaneously increase pressure on the Kremlin and Kiev may produce results, and Democrats should not ignore it.
Israel, to which the United States provides $3.8 billion in military aid annually, is making extensive use of American bombs, striking Gaza and now Lebanon. Harris, if elected, will have to go further than Biden, limiting the supply of offensive weapons and increasing pressure on Netanyahu. At the same time, she will have to tighten the screws on Iran and its henchmen.
Unfortunately, the Trump administration is likely to be willing to tighten the screws, but will not dare to put too much pressure on Netanyahu — just as Biden does not dare to put pressure on Zelensky.
Americans, like the rest of the world, deserve more consistency and less bias in U.S. foreign policy. Whoever takes the White House chair in January will have to align American foreign policy with American values. In addition, he will have to focus more clearly on the interests of the United States, without shirking difficult conversations with our friends.
Christopher Chivvis is a Senior Fellow and Director of the Carnegie Endowment for American Public Administration Program*
*recognized as a foreign agent in Russia
