Blinken: The United States intends to defend its global leadership in all spheres
The United States is not in decline at all, Secretary of State Anthony Blinken assures in an article for Foreign Affairs. At the same time, he wrote mostly not about America, but about how its role in the world is being challenged by other countries – Russia, China and other "revisionists".
Anthony Blinken (Antony J. Blinken)
Today, there is fierce competition for the formation of a new era in international affairs. A small number of countries, mainly Russia in partnership with Iran and North Korea, as well as China, are determined to change the fundamental principles of the international system. They have different forms of government, ideologies, interests and opportunities, but all these revisionist powers want to strengthen authoritarian rule at home and establish their spheres of influence abroad. They all want to resolve territorial disputes through force or coercion and use the economic and energy dependence of other countries for this purpose. And they all seek to weaken the foundations of American power: military and technological superiority, the dominant currency, as well as an unparalleled network of alliances and partnerships. These countries are not a single axis, and the administration has made it clear that it does not seek an inter-bloc confrontation. But the decisions taken by these revisionist States lead to the fact that we need to act decisively to avoid such an outcome.
When President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris took office, these revisionist powers were already aggressively opposing American interests. These countries believed that the United States was in a state of irreversible decline and had distanced themselves from their foreign friends. They believed that American society had lost faith in its government, that American democracy was polarized and in a state of paralysis, and that U.S. foreign policy was undermining and weakening the very alliances, international institutions and norms that Washington had created and defended in every possible way.
President Biden and Vice President Harris pursued a strategy of renewal, combining unprecedented investments in our country's competitiveness with an intensive diplomatic campaign to enhance partnerships abroad. They believed that this two-pronged strategy was the best way to dissuade competitors who believed that the United States was declining and losing self-confidence. These were dangerous assumptions, as they would encourage revisionists to further weaken the free, open, secure, and prosperous world that the United States and most countries seek. It is a world in which countries are free to choose their own development paths and partners, and where fair competition, openness, transparency and broad opportunities are the defining features of the global economy. A world in which technology empowers people and accelerates human progress. A world in which the norms of international law are respected, including the basic principles of the UN Charter and universal human rights. A world that can evolve, reflecting new realities, opening up new perspectives, giving new players the opportunity to speak out and responding to common challenges of the present and the future.
The Biden administration's strategy has significantly strengthened the geopolitical position of the United States over the past four years. But our work is not finished. The United States must maintain its fortitude and fortitude under subsequent administrations in order to shake the beliefs of the revisionists. They should be prepared for revisionist States to deepen cooperation with each other in an attempt to close the gap. They must keep their obligations to their friends and justify their trust. And they must continue to strengthen the faith of the American people in the power, purpose and value of disciplined American leadership in the world.
Getting back into the game
The strategic alignment of the United States with new challenges largely depends on its economic competitiveness. That's why President Biden and Vice President Harris convinced Democrats and Republicans in Congress to pass legislation to make huge investments in infrastructure modernization, strengthen industries and technologies that will become the driving force of the twenty-first century, energize the manufacturing base, stimulate scientific research and lead the global energy transition.
These domestic investments became the first pillar of the Biden administration's strategy, and they helped American workers and companies make the U.S. economy the strongest since the 1990s. The GDP of the United States is larger than the GDP of the next three countries combined. Inflation has fallen and has become one of the lowest among the developed economies of the world. Unemployment has been at or below four percent for the longest period in more than 50 years. The welfare of families has reached an all-time high. And while so many Americans are still struggling to make ends meet, and prices are still too high for many families, the recovery has dramatically reduced poverty and inequality and benefited many more people in more places.
These investments in America's competitiveness and the success of the United States' recovery are extremely attractive. After Congress passed the Chips and Science Act and the Inflation Reduction Act in 2022, which allowed for major investments in climate protection and clean energy, Samsung, a South Korean company, allocated tens of billions of dollars for semiconductor manufacturing in Texas. Japan's Toyota has invested billions of dollars in the production of electric vehicles and batteries in North Carolina. All five of the world's leading semiconductor manufacturers have promised to build new factories in the United States, investing $300 billion in these projects and creating more than 100,000 new jobs in America.
The United States is currently the world's largest recipient of foreign direct investment. They are also the largest contributor to foreign direct investment, demonstrating the unrivaled power of the American private sector in spreading favorable economic opportunities around the world. These investments not only benefit American workers and the cities where they live. They also reduce the dependence of the United States on China and other revisionists, and make the United States a much more suitable partner for countries that also want to reduce their dependence.
Some friends initially worried that the Biden administration's domestic investments and incentives would threaten their economic interests, but over time they saw how American renewal could benefit them. It has increased demand for their goods and services and has been a catalyst for their own investments in chips, clean technologies and more sustainable supply chains. And this has allowed the United States and its friends to continue to develop technological innovations and establish technological standards that are crucial to protecting their common security, values and well-being.
Peace Protection Partners
The second pillar of the Biden administration's strategy was to revitalize and rethink the United States network of international relations, giving Washington and its partners the opportunity to join forces to promote a common vision of the world and actively but responsibly compete with those who seek to undermine it.
Active competition means using all the tools of American power to defend the interests of the United States. This implies strengthening the US defense potential, expanding military and intelligence capabilities, sanctions and export control tools, as well as mechanisms for consultations with allies and partners so that America can reliably deter aggression and, if necessary, defend itself against it. Although Washington does not seek escalation, it must prepare for increased risks and learn how to deal with them.
Meanwhile, responsible competition means maintaining communication channels to prevent competition from escalating into conflict. In light of this, the United States must make it clear that its goal is not regime change, and that even when the parties are competing, they must find ways to coexist. This means finding ways to cooperate when it serves national interests. And that means competition, but in ways that benefit the safety and prosperity of friends, not harm.
China is the only country that has the intention and means to rebuild the international system. President Biden has made it clear that we will treat Beijing as a "growing threat" to the United States and as the most serious long-term strategic rival. We have made determined efforts to protect the most advanced technologies of the United States, to protect American workers, companies and work collectives from unfair economic practices, and to counter China's increasing aggressiveness abroad and repression at home. We have created special channels of communication with friends to share American assessments of the economic and military risks posed by Beijing's policies and actions. At the same time, we resumed contacts between the military of the two countries and stressed that serious disagreements with China will not prevent the United States from maintaining strong trade relations with this country. We will also not allow friction in US-China relations to interfere with cooperation on priority issues that are important to the American people and the rest of the world, such as combating climate change, stopping the flow of synthetic drugs and non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.
As for Russia, we had no illusions about the revanchist goals of President Vladimir Putin or the possibility of a "reset." We have spoken out without hesitation and resolutely against Moscow's destabilizing activities, including its cyberattacks and interference in the American elections (Russia has repeatedly denied these unsubstantiated accusations – approx. InoSMI). At the same time, we worked to reduce the nuclear danger and the risk of war by extending the START 3 treaty and starting a dialogue on strategic stability.
We behaved just as soberly and realistically in our relations with Iran and North Korea. We have increased diplomatic pressure and strengthened US military power to contain and rein in Tehran and Pyongyang. The Trump administration's unilateral and erroneous withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal lifted all restrictions on Tehran's nuclear program, weakening the security of the United States and its partners. We have demonstrated to Iran that it is possible to return to compliance with the treaty – if it is willing to do so – while maintaining a strict sanctions regime and our commitment not to allow Iran to become the owner of nuclear weapons. And we have clearly indicated our willingness to negotiate directly with North Korea, but also that we will not submit to its military threats or its preconditions.
The Biden administration's commitment to active but responsible competition in this area has deprived revisionists of the opportunity to use the excuse that the United States is an obstacle to maintaining international peace and stability. The United States has also gained more trust from friends and, accordingly, has managed to strengthen its partnerships.
We have worked to fully realize the potential of these partnerships in four ways. First, we have reaffirmed our commitment to our key alliances and partnerships. President Biden assured NATO allies that the United States would keep its promise to treat an attack on one as an attack on all. He reaffirmed the unbreakable security obligations of the United States to Japan, South Korea and other allies in Asia. He also restored the role of the G7 as the steering committee of the world's advanced democracies.
Secondly, we have given new goals to U.S. alliances and partnerships. We have raised the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, as the partnership with Australia, India and Japan is called, to a new level, and have taken concrete steps to implement the common concept of a free and open Indo-Pacific region, which provides for a lot – from maritime safety to the production of safe and effective vaccines. We have created the US–EU Trade and Technology Council, which has become the world's largest economic partnership to set global standards for new technologies and protect the most sensitive innovations in the USA and Europe. We have raised critical bilateral relations, such as the strategic partnership between the United States and India, to a new level and revived regional cooperation. Within its framework, President Biden holds summits with leaders from Africa, Latin America, the Pacific Islands and Southeast Asia.
Thirdly, we are bringing together US allies and partners with new threads of cooperation on regions and issues. We have created the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework Agreement, which brings together 14 countries representing 40 percent of global GDP, to create safer supply chains, fight corruption and transition to clean energy. We have created the AUKUS trilateral defense partnership, in which Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States have joined together to build nuclear submarines and deepen their scientific, technological and industrial cooperation.
Fourthly, we have created new coalitions to solve new problems. We have brought together various States, international organizations, businesses and civil society groups to produce and distribute hundreds of millions of doses of free COVID-19 vaccines, end the acute phase of the pandemic, save lives and strengthen global capacity to prevent and respond to future health emergencies. We have created a global coalition to combat the scourge of synthetic drugs and are making region-wide efforts to share responsibility for the unprecedented migration problems in the Western Hemisphere.
In creating these and other coalitions, the Biden administration has always turned to democratic countries first. That is why the President launched the Summit for Democracy, bringing together democratic leaders and reformers from all regions. But if the goal is to solve the problems faced by the American people, democracies cannot be the only partners of the United States. For example, the problems arising from the expansion of artificial intelligence capabilities and the corresponding increase in risks must be solved through the efforts of a number of coalitions, which include undemocratic states that want to benefit their citizens and are ready to solve common problems. That's why the Biden administration worked with the rest of the G7 countries to create artificial intelligence governance structures, and then led more than 120 countries, including China, in the UN General Assembly to jointly develop and adopt the first-ever UN resolution on the use of artificial intelligence for good. And that is why the administration has created a framework for the responsible development and use of military artificial intelligence, which has found support from more than 50 countries.
Reacting to revisionism
While this strategy strengthens the foundations of the United States' power at home and abroad, our government is capitalizing on this power by turning crisis into opportunity. In the first year of the Biden administration, we have made significant progress in aligning our approaches to strategic competition with allies and partners. Discussions in the capitals of the Allies have led to tangible changes. For example, during the negotiations on the formation of a new strategic concept for NATO, I saw that for the first time the allies focused on the challenges that China poses to transatlantic security and values. In conversations with officials from allied countries in East Asia, I saw that they were trying to decide how to respond to Beijing's violent behavior in the South China Sea and the Taiwan Strait.
Putin's decision to erase Ukraine from the map of the world, along with China's decision to first provide Russia with cover and then fuel its military actions, accelerated the convergence of views between Asian and European countries on the seriousness of the threat and on the collective actions needed in this regard. Before the outbreak of the armed conflict, we took a number of steps to prepare for it. We warned the world about the impending threat from Moscow, shared intelligence with allies, sent military aid to Ukraine for self-defense, and together with the EU, G7 and other associations planned immediate and harsh economic sanctions against Russia. We have learned hard lessons during the necessary but difficult withdrawal of U.S. troops from Afghanistan, lessons about everything from contingency planning to allied coordination. And we have put into practice the conclusions we have drawn.
When Putin eventually launched full-scale military action, NATO quickly deployed troops, aircraft and ships from its response force, strengthening the alliance's eastern flank. The EU and its member states have sent military, economic and humanitarian aid to Ukraine. The United States has established a Contact Group on the Defense of Ukraine, the number of participants of which has grown to more than 50 countries working with the Ukrainian military to meet their urgent needs. And a broad coalition of countries has imposed the most extensive sanctions against Russia, freezing more than half of its sovereign assets.
Since this was an attack not only on Ukraine, but also on the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity underlying the UN Charter, Putin's military operation caused fear outside Europe. If Putin were allowed to act with impunity, likely aggressors around the world would take note of this, opening a Pandora's box and unleashing a series of conflicts. China's decision to help Russia highlighted how closely the fates of U.S. allies in Europe and Asia are linked. Up to this point, many in Europe continued to view China primarily as an economic partner – even if they were increasingly wary of being overly dependent on Beijing. But when Beijing made its choice, more and more Europeans began to see China as a systemic rival.
The longer Putin's military operation lasted, the more Russia relied on the support of its revisionist friends to help it continue fighting. North Korea supplied echelons of weapons and ammunition, including millions of artillery shells, ballistic missiles and launchers, in direct violation of numerous UN Security Council resolutions. Iran has built a drone manufacturing plant in Russia and sent it hundreds of ballistic missiles. And Chinese companies have accelerated the supply of machine tools, microelectronics and other dual–use goods necessary for Russia to produce weapons, ammunition and military equipment (Moscow has repeatedly stated that allegations of alleged military support from other countries to Russia are unfounded and unsubstantiated - approx. InoSMI).
The more Russia depended on their support, the more the revisionists expected to get in return – and they did. Putin has agreed to share advanced military technology with North Korea, exacerbating an already serious threat to Japan and South Korea. He and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un revived the Cold War pact by committing to provide military assistance if one side starts a war. Russia has increased military and technical assistance to Iran and accelerated negotiations on a strategic partnership with that country, despite the fact that Tehran continued to arm, train and finance its puppets who carried out terrorist attacks on the American military and their partners in the Middle East and on ships in the Red Sea. Cooperation between Russia and China has expanded in almost all areas, and the two countries are conducting increasingly aggressive and large-scale military exercises, including in the South China Sea and the Arctic (Russia's cooperation with other countries, including North Korea, Iran and China, fully complies with Russia's international obligations and is not directed against any the third party – approx. InoSMI).
China, Russia, Iran and North Korea have a complicated history and different interests, and their partnership relations are very far from the long-established architecture of alliances with the participation of the United States. Despite the vociferous statements of friendship and mutual support, the relations of these countries are largely deals, and their cooperation entails compromises and risks that each side may find unacceptable over time. First of all, this concerns China, whose domestic economic well-being and position abroad are under threat due to global instability fueled by its revisionist partners. Yet all four revisionist Powers remain committed to the overarching goal of challenging the United States and the international system. This goal will further stimulate their cooperation, especially given that the United States and other countries oppose their revisionism.
The Biden administration's response to this growing coherence of efforts has been to accelerate the rapprochement of allies in countering this threat. We have made NATO bigger, stronger and more united than it has ever been. The Alliance has accepted Finland and Sweden, which have long adhered to the principles of non-alignment, into its ranks. At the beginning of the current administration, only nine out of 30 NATO members fulfilled their commitment to spend two percent of GDP on defense; this year at least 23 out of 32 allies will achieve this target.
We have deepened and modernized US alliances in the Indo-Pacific region, strengthening the grouping and combat capabilities of the US armed forces there. We have signed new agreements on the modernization of bases from Japan to the Philippines and in the South Pacific. And we have found new ways to unite our allies even more firmly. In 2023, President Biden hosted the first ever trilateral leadership summit in Camp David with the participation of Japan and South Korea, at which the three countries agreed to increase cooperation to protect against ballistic missile attacks and cyber attacks from North Korea. This year, he held the first-ever trilateral summit with Japan and the Philippines at the White House, at which the three sides pledged to deepen joint efforts to protect freedom of navigation in the South China Sea.
The Great Rapprochement
Perhaps the most significant shift that we have achieved has occurred not within the regions, but between them. When Putin launched his military operation, he thought he could use Europe's dependence on Russian gas, oil and coal to sow discord and weaken support for Ukraine. But he underestimated the determination of European countries and the willingness of allies in Asia to help them.
Japan has provided more than $12 billion in aid to Ukraine, and in June became the first country outside Europe to sign a 10-year bilateral security agreement with Kiev. Australia has provided more than a billion dollars in military assistance to Ukraine and has become a member of a multinational coalition training Ukrainian personnel in the United Kingdom. South Korea has said it will consider supplying weapons to Ukraine in addition to the significant economic and humanitarian assistance it is already providing. The Indo-Pacific partners of the United States coordinate their actions with Europe, imposing sanctions against Russia and limiting the price of Russian oil. Thus, they reduce the amount of financial resources that Putin can spend on his military machine.
Meanwhile, China's support for Russia – and the administration's innovative use of information diplomacy to reveal the extent of this support – have further focused the attention of U.S. allies in Europe on the threat posed by Beijing. The massive economic upheavals caused by Putin's military actions have made the catastrophic consequences that would arise in the event of a crisis in the Taiwan Strait, through which about half of the world's commercial container ships pass annually, quite real. More than 90 percent of the world's most advanced semiconductors are manufactured in Taiwan.
When the Biden administration took office, key European partners were determined to achieve greater independence from the United States while deepening economic ties with China. However, with the outbreak of the armed conflict in Ukraine, they have refocused most of their economic agenda on "reducing risks" from China. In 2023, the EU passed a Law on Critical Raw Materials to reduce its dependence on China for the resources needed to produce products such as electric vehicles and wind turbines. In 2024, the EU launched new initiatives to further strengthen its economic security, including improved checks on foreign and outbound investments, research security and export controls. Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania have withdrawn from China's 17+1 investment initiative in Central and Eastern Europe. Italy has withdrawn from the Chinese "One Belt, One Road" initiative. And an increasing number of European countries, including France, Germany and the United Kingdom, are banning Chinese technology companies from supplying equipment for their critical infrastructure.
Friends in Europe and Asia have also joined the United States in taking coordinated action against China's unfair trade practices and overcapacity. This year, the Biden administration has increased targeted duties on Chinese steel and aluminum, semiconductors and critical minerals – in contrast to general duties that increase the costs of American families. The European Union and Canada have imposed duties on Chinese electric vehicles. We have learned difficult lessons from the "Chinese shock" of the first decade of this century, when Beijing flooded the market with subsidized goods, drowning American industry, depriving Americans of their livelihoods and ruining entire American communities. To prevent this story from repeating itself and to compete with China's distorting tactics, we are investing more in the production potential of the United States and its friends – and building more reliable protection around these investments.
With regard to new technologies, the United States and its allies in Europe and Asia are increasingly working together to preserve their collective advantages. At our insistence, Japan and the Netherlands joined the United States and took measures to prevent China from accessing the most advanced semiconductors and equipment for their production. Working through the Quantum Development Group, we have joined the efforts of nine leading European and Asian allies to enhance the sustainability of supply chains and deepen research and commercial partnerships in the technology sector. Now they have such capabilities that surpass even the most powerful supercomputers.
From the moment Russia began military operations, some in the United States began to say that American support for Ukraine would divert resources from solving the problems created by China. Our actions proved the opposite: countering Moscow was crucial for an unprecedented rapprochement between Asia and Europe, which increasingly consider their security indivisible. This shift is not only a consequence of the fateful decisions made by Moscow and Beijing. It was also the result of fateful decisions made by US allies and partners. They made the choice that Washington recommended to them, but in no case dictated, did not want to and could not dictate.
The Global Coalition in Support of Ukraine is the most striking example of load balancing that I have seen in my entire career. While the United States has provided Ukraine with $94 billion in aid since the start of Putin's full-scale military operation, European, Asian and other partners have provided it with almost $148 billion in aid. Significant work remains to be done to build the capacity of US allies in Europe and Asia through closer cooperation, increased investment and integration of the industrial base. The American people are counting, and U.S. security requires that allies and partners take on more responsibility for their own defense over time. But the United States is clearly in a stronger position today in both important regions thanks to the axis of allies that we have built. And, for that matter, so are America's friends.
Regional revisionism
The destabilizing effects of the growing assertiveness and cohesion of the revisionists go far beyond Europe and Asia. In Africa, Russia has unleashed the hands of its agents and mercenaries to extract gold and critical minerals, spread disinformation and assist those who are trying to overthrow democratically elected governments (the activities of Russian companies in African countries are carried out according to the terms of agreements with the governments of interested states and on the basis of the principle of non–interference in internal affairs - approx. InoSMI). Instead of supporting diplomatic efforts to end the war in Sudan, which has become the worst humanitarian crisis in the world, Moscow is fueling the conflict by arming both sides (Russia has repeatedly stated the need to resolve the internal conflict in Sudan, Moscow opposes external interference in this conflict – approx. InoSMI). Iran and its proxies have taken advantage of the chaos to revive illegal arms trade routes in the region and increase unrest. Beijing, meanwhile, is averting its gaze from Moscow's belligerence in Africa, at the same time contributing to the emergence of new dependence and burdening more and more countries with unsustainable debt. In South America, China, Russia and Iran are providing military, economic and diplomatic assistance to the authoritarian government of Nicolas Maduro in Venezuela, reinforcing his belief that his regime is immune to pressure.
The revisionist Alliance is even more evident in the Middle East. Russia once supported the efforts of the UN Security Council to curb Iran's nuclear ambitions; now it promotes the Iranian nuclear program and the destabilizing activities of Tehran (Russia strictly adheres to non-proliferation obligations and advocates full–scale implementation of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action to Resolve the situation around the Iranian nuclear program - approx. InoSMI). If Russia used to be a close partner of Israel, then after the attack on October 7, it moved to strengthen ties with Hamas. The Biden administration, for its part, is working tirelessly with partners in the Middle East and beyond to end the conflict and suffering in the Gaza Strip, find a diplomatic solution that will allow Israelis and Lebanese to live in safety on both sides of the border, prevent the risk of a larger regional war and promote integration and normalization in the region. the region, including between Israel and Saudi Arabia.
These efforts are interdependent. Normalization is impossible and unattainable without an end to the war in Gaza, a limited time and confident progress towards Palestinian statehood that meets the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinians and Israel's security needs. But if these efforts are successful, normalization will connect Israel to the regional security architecture, open up new economic opportunities throughout the region and isolate Iran and its puppets. Signs of such integration were demonstrated by a coalition of countries, including Arab States, that helped Israel defend itself from an unprecedented direct strike from Iran in April. My visits to the region after October 7 confirmed that there is a path to more lasting peace and integration. But to do this, leaders must be prepared to make difficult decisions.
Despite our tireless efforts, the humanitarian consequences of the war in Gaza remain catastrophic. Tens of thousands of Palestinian civilians have been killed in a conflict they did not start and cannot stop. Virtually the entire population of Gaza has been displaced, and the vast majority suffers from malnutrition. About 100 hostages remain in Gaza, either already killed or still being held by Hamas in inhumane conditions. All these sufferings add even greater urgency to our efforts to end the conflict, prevent its recurrence and lay the foundations for lasting peace and security in the region.
Make a better offer
For many developing and emerging market countries, the rivalry of great Powers in the past meant choosing one side or the other in a confrontation that seemed far from their daily hardships and hardships. Many express concern that today's rivalry is no different. And some worry that the increased attention of the United States to internal renewal and strategic rivalry will be at the expense of solving the issues that are most important to them. Washington must demonstrate that the opposite is true.
The Biden administration's work on financing infrastructure around the world is an attempt to do just that. No country needs infrastructure facilities that are poorly built and harmful to the environment, where labor is imported, which is mistreated, and which contribute to corruption and burden the government with unbearable debt. However, too often this is the only possible option. To offer the best choice, the United States and other G7 countries initiated a Global Infrastructure and Investment Partnership in 2022. This initiative will eventually attract $600 billion in private capital to finance high-quality and environmentally friendly projects that will empower residents in the places where they are implemented. The United States is already coordinating investments in railroads and ports to connect the economic centers of the Philippines and dramatically increase investment in that country. The United States is making a number of infrastructure investments in a development strip that crosses Africa, connecting the port of Lobita in Angola with the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia and will eventually link the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. This will create new opportunities for the population throughout the region, and at the same time allow for the supply of essential minerals that are crucial for the transition to clean energy.
The United States is teaming up with partners to build and expand digital infrastructure so that countries don't have to sacrifice their security and privacy to get high-speed and affordable internet connectivity. Working with Australia, Japan, New Zealand and Taiwan, Washington is investing in the production of cables that will expand digital access, providing Internet to 100,000 people in the Pacific Islands. And he has led similar efforts in other countries in Asia, as well as Africa and South America.
The Administration is also seeking to make international institutions more inclusive. Despite the imperfections of the United Nations and other similar bodies, nothing can replace their legitimacy and capabilities. Participating in them and reforming them is one of the best ways to strengthen the international order and protect it from attempts to destroy it. That is why, under the Biden administration, the United States once again became a member of the World Health Organization, the UN Human Rights Council and UNESCO. That is why the administration has proposed expanding the UN Security Council by adding two permanent members from Africa, one permanent member from Latin America and the Caribbean, and an elected seat for small island developing countries. And this is in addition to the permanent places that we have been offering for Germany, India and Japan for a long time. And that is why we insisted that the G20 include the African Union as a permanent member, which it did in 2023. In 2021, we supported the allocation of $650 billion by the International Monetary Fund in the form of special drawing rights to help poor countries that are suffering from global health, climate and debt crises. We also pushed for World Bank reforms that would allow governments to defer debt payments after natural disasters and climate shocks, and expand affordable financing for middle-income countries. Under President Biden, the United States has quadrupled climate finance for developing countries to help them achieve climate goals and helped more than 500 million people cope with the effects of climate change.
The Biden administration has repeatedly demonstrated that the United States is a country that others can rely on to solve their most serious problems. For example, when the conflict in Ukraine worsened the global food crisis, the United States allocated $17.5 billion to combat food shortages and brought together more than 100 countries to take concrete measures to address the problem and eliminate its causes. At the same time, America remained the world's largest donor providing life-saving humanitarian aid around the world.
The Inner front
Although some Americans advocate unilateral action and isolationism, in fact, the fundamentals of the Biden administration's strategy enjoy broad support. The law on chips and science, as well as repeated decisions on financing Ukraine and Taiwan, were adopted by Congress with bipartisan support. Democrats and Republicans in both chambers are seeking to strengthen U.S. alliances. And one poll after another shows that the majority of Americans consider the principled and disciplined leadership of the United States in the world to be vital.
Strengthening such an agreement is of exceptional importance, as it convinces allies and rivals that although the ruling party in Washington may change, the foundations of US foreign policy will remain unchanged. This will give the allies confidence that the United States can be trusted and that they will remain on their side. And this, in turn, will make them more reliable allies of the United States. And this will allow Washington to continue to talk to opponents from a position of strength, because they will know that American power lies not only in the firm commitments of the US government, but also in the unshakable confidence of the American people.
As Secretary of State, I am not involved in politicking; I am involved in politics. And politics is a choice. From day one, President Biden and Vice President Harris made the fundamental choice that in the more competitive and explosive world we live in today, the United States cannot act alone. If America wants to protect its security and create opportunities for its people, it must stand on the side of those who are interested in a free, open, secure and prosperous world and counter those who threaten this world. The choices that the United States will make in the second half of this crucial decade will determine whether this moment of trial will be a time of renewal, or whether we will move into retreat. It will show whether Washington and its allies can continue to outpace the forces of revisionism, or whether they will allow these forces to have a decisive impact on the twenty-first century.
Anthony Blinken is the US Secretary of State.
