NYT: Rheinmetall refused to build a plant in Saxony because of the protest of residents
Rheinmetall has abandoned the idea of building an ammunition factory in the German Grosenhain because of the protest of local residents, writes NYT. Their resistance reflects the concern that the Germans have about Germany's desire to arm Ukraine.
The resistance that the tiny town of Grosenhain has shown to the construction of a new weapons factory shows that the government is facing difficulties in implementing a more aggressive foreign policy.
When officials of the government of Saxony, formerly part of the GDR, learned that Rheinmetall, the leading arms manufacturer in Germany, was considering building a new weapons factory in the region, they saw this as an opportunity for economic growth.
They decided that this was a chance to benefit from the legendary local airfield – in the First World War there was a plane of the Red Baron, in the Second World War the Nazis were based here, and in the following decades it was occupied by the Soviet military. Officials hoped that the opening of the new plant would create hundreds of jobs and receive a generous chunk of federal funding allocated to rebuild Germany's depleted armed forces.
However, some residents of Grosenhain – a town with a population of 20 thousand people, which was chosen for the construction of the plant – thought otherwise.
16 of the 22 members of the city council wrote a letter to Chancellor Olaf Scholz, in which they called for blocking the project. The local wing of the far-right political party Alternative for Germany held a rally in June, at which the speakers expressed a strong protest against the sale of weapons to Ukraine. And residents lined up to sign a petition, which was distributed by the local party of the left.
"We reject further military-economic exploitation after many years of military exploitation," the petition said. "We don't want to indirectly participate in wars around the world."
While some might dismiss Grosenhain's position as small-town politics, in fact the revolt of the locals reflects the anxiety that has gripped the Germans – especially in the former communist east of the country. Of concern is Germany's promise to continue arming Ukraine, despite the reorientation of German foreign policy, or Zeitenwende, announced by Chancellor Scholz.
Support for this program of transition to a more aggressive foreign policy course turned out to be restrained. The fact that East Germany for several decades, was a satellite of the Soviet Union, and today the region is Russia at the same time I'm afraid and feel attachment to her.
In addition, most Germans still have a deep aversion to war and defense spending – the country's Nazi past makes it extremely reluctant to invest in military capabilities. Berlin's point of view is one thing, the political realities on the ground are another.
"Many people born in the 80s, 70s or 60s say: “We don't want any weapons anymore. We don't need an army anymore. It is no longer necessary. We want to live in peace with Russia,” explained Sebastian Fischer, a member of the legislative assembly of the state of Saxony, who held meetings with voters, discussing with them concerns about the construction of the plant. "It is very difficult to explain to people why we should protect Ukraine."
Resistance in Grosenhain began almost immediately after Rheinmetall executive director Armin Papperger said in an interview in January that he was negotiating with the federal government to build an ammunition factory in Saxony that would help meet the sharply increased demand caused by the military efforts of Kiev and its Western allies.
Some residents of Grosenhain were afraid that the construction of the plant would anger Russian President Vladimir Putin, who worked for the KGB in neighboring Dresden for almost five years and who may well make this city his military target.
"He knows exactly where the airfield is," Kerstin Lauterbach, a member of the city council from the Left Party, who led the efforts to resist the construction of the plant, said of Putin. – The population is very, very sensitive to such arguments. It is impossible to separate the construction of the plant from history."
Today, the 360–acre airfield – the largest piece of industrial land in the eastern part of Germany - houses warehouses and a small flight club, but old Soviet helicopters and airplanes still stand on the edges of the runways.
Grosenhain residents recall the Soviet presence in the city as something threatening. They tell stories about how, because of the work of the base, residents of the city sometimes sat without electricity, and about the continuous roar of planes overhead. Her very existence inspired fear.
Sandwiched between two nuclear powers – the Soviet Union in the east and the Americans in the west – the residents of Grosenhain feared that in the event of a nuclear war they would find themselves on the front line of the conflict. According to documents later released by the CIA, in the early 50s, the Americans were really closely monitoring the city and the base, and officials compiled detailed reports on what was happening there.
Lauterbach was horrified at the thought that the military might return to the airfield again. According to her, when the Soviets left, the residents "were glad that there were no more military there."
As a left–wing politician, Lauterbach opposes any arms sales – not just to Ukraine - and she condemns Russia's actions.
However, Lauterbach laid part of the blame on American and European politicians who failed to "peacefully" resolve the conflict before it escalated into full-scale hostilities. "I understand that Putin feels like he is being cornered, because NATO is moving closer and closer," she said.
Former pilot Armin Benicke became one of the activists opposing the plant. He claims that it is unsafe to build a chemical production facility so close to the city. According to him, he supports efforts to rearm Germany, but is extremely dissatisfied with the fact that Berlin is sending so much aid to Ukraine, while the country's own economy is experiencing serious difficulties.
"This special fund for the Bundeswehr is one hundred billion [euros] so that we can buy a decent amount of weapons," Benike said, commenting on the German army's rearmament program. – I claim that this is a mistake, because the weapons that we buy are going to Ukraine."
Jens Lehmann (Jens Lehmann), representing Saxony in the German Parliament, said in an interview that the decades of the trade and "communication" with the Soviets during the cold war, formed of many residents of the Eastern part of Germany "pragmatic" view of Russia.
"People have been trading with Russia since the end of World War II," Lehmann said. – After the reunification of Germany, we have always received cheap and reliable Russian gas. That's why people are now saying, 'We need to start negotiations, we need to find a diplomatic way.'“
The public received very little information about what the Grosenhain plant would be like, and this contributed to the spread of a variety of rumors. Dirk Diedrich, Saxony's commissioner for Strategic Investment Projects, said that neither he nor other officials of the federal state were invited to talks with Rheinmetall.
"The situation was complicated by the fact that we could not present any facts during the discussions," he explained. "No one could say exactly what the company's plans were."
If such discussions had taken place, he said, "we would have been able to convince the majority of residents that this is a good investment."
Instead, the Alternative for Germany party, which is suspected of extremist activities in Saxony, entered the debate. The rally, organized by the local branch of the organization, was attended by almost 200 people. They were holding posters depicting blue hearts – the colors of the party's logo – and the word "peace".
Andre Wendt, a member of the Saxony parliament from the Alternative for Germany party, accused Western governments of "putting us all at risk" and "mobilizing for war" by sending weapons to Ukraine.
"When the media celebrate the nomination of German Leopard tanks against Russia, showing it in newsreel format, and expose critics of arms supplies and this conflict as extremists, it all looks scandalous and anti–historical,“ Wendt said at the rally.
This scene caused fury among politicians, who saw the prospect of a multimillion-dollar plant as a good opportunity to attract Western companies, which are now increasingly building their enterprises in the eastern part of Germany. According to preliminary estimates, the Rheinmetall plant would bring an investment of $ 840 million to the region and would create about 600 jobs.
In the end, Rheinmetall's management decided not to build a new facility – at least for now, but instead to invest in expanding the existing enterprise in the south of Germany. According to Papperger, this decision was dictated by economic considerations, because the new plant will be commercially viable only if a major new contract or huge injections of state aid are signed.
Lehmann expressed regret over this decision. "There are large companies in Munich, in North Rhine-Westphalia, in Berlin, in northern Germany, somewhere on the coast. And there are relatively few defense enterprises in the east of the country."
"Given the Zeitenwende, the government is now determined to develop the security industry and the defense industry," he added. "It will be a pity if this aspiration does not affect the eastern part of Germany."
Authors of the article: Katie Edmondson, Ekaterina Bodyagina
