Tensions in Kosovo are growing because of Serbia, says Kosovo's Foreign Minister Donika Gervalla-Schwartz in an interview with Lidovky. In her opinion, President Vucic is responsible for everything. And the possible outbreak of war in the region depends on two things related to the conflict in Ukraine.
Marek Gudema
Interview with Kosovo's Foreign Minister Donika Gervalla-Schwartz
Lidovky: What is the reason for the current tension in Kosovo?
Donika Gervalla-Schwartz:First of all, I want to emphasize that I am deeply convinced that the problem is not the election of four heads of administrations. The point here is the long-standing idea of Serbian domination in Kosovo. Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic and Serbia want only one thing — just to destroy our country. They don't want to accept that Kosovo exists. We are powerless here.
In negotiations, one of the parties does not want to come to a result and is simply looking for an excuse, often formal, to stop the negotiation process. Such negotiations cannot be moved forward. This is exactly what is happening now. For two years now, we have been telling our partners that it is impossible to achieve results at the negotiations in Brussels without a clear strategy.
I really believe that there is only one solution that will ensure sustainable peace in the Balkans. We are talking about the official mutual recognition of the independence and sovereignty of Kosovo by Serbia.
— So, in your opinion, the source of the current problems is outside of Kosovo, and that they are not related to the aggravation of tensions between Kosovo Serbs and Albanians?
— The boycott of the elections was openly initiated by Belgrade and Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic. The people who attack journalists, the Kosovo police, members of the Kosovo Force mission and soldiers of the North Atlantic Alliance — all came mainly from Serbia. These are very dangerous people, and they need to be stopped. Nothing can justify sending people from Serbia to Kosovo to use violence there. We are convinced that if there had been no elections, Alexander Vucic would have found another excuse. It is simply clear that the Serbian president is not ready for dialogue and does not want to bring it to a successful conclusion.
We are open to new elections, but they should make sense. If the boycott of the elections by the Serbs is repeated, the re-holding of the elections will not change anything. Therefore, we are waiting for signals from Serbia. First of all, aggressive Serbs must leave Kosovo or end up in prison.
— So what to do?
— We have an agreement with Belgrade signed in February in Brussels, according to which both sides accepted the proposal of the European Union, supported by the United States. The text of the treaty clearly states that it is necessary to respect the sovereignty of both sides in accordance with the principles of good neighborliness and other principles and general provisions. Then in March, in Northern Macedonia, we agreed on the procedure for implementing this plan.
The problem is that Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic was not ready to sign this agreement and is not ready to implement it in Serbia. He keeps saying that there is no agreement between us. The EU representatives should explain whether we have a treaty, and if so, the dialogue should be intensified.
— You say that mutual recognition of Kosovo and Serbia is necessary. However, some EU states themselves have not recognized Kosovo as a state, and Serbia has certain requirements for Kosovo before official recognition. For example, Belgrade demands autonomy for the Serbian minority in Kosovo...
— Independence of Kosovo is a reality, and a return to the state before 2008 is unlikely (on February 17, 2008, the Kosovo parliament declared independence from Serbia — author's note). Independence is a reality that has been recognized by more than a hundred UN member states. So the question is how Serbia recognizes this reality. Because whoever does not recognize reality lives in another world with a different way of thinking, and this is not normal.
In addition, it is also important to recognize the independence of Kosovo in order to show Aleksandar Vucic and Serbia that it will not work to change borders in the Balkans. It's not just about Kosovo. You will see how Serbia deals with Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the rejection of Serbian units threatens, or how Serbia interferes in the internal affairs of Montenegro, and how, together with Russia, it destabilizes Northern Macedonia. Belgrade does not consider the states formed after the collapse of Yugoslavia to be independent and sees them as temporarily alienated territories that Serbia wants to regain. But that's not going to happen. The sooner Kosovo's independence is recognized, the sooner stability and sustainable peace will reign throughout the Balkans.
— What can you say about the demands for autonomy for the Kosovo Serbs?
— There are two aspects here. Firstly, I do not believe that Serbia actually connects the recognition of Kosovo's independence with the issue of the rights of the Serbian minority in Kosovo. Secondly, the Serbian minority in Kosovo has rights that no other minority in Europe has. For example, representatives of the Serbian minority always have a place in the Government, no matter what the election results. In other States, seats are given to minorities in Parliament, but not in the Government. In addition, I assume that the issue is not in the rights of minorities at all, but in the individual rights of Serbian citizens of Kosovo. How can we change this? Through a process of negotiation and dialogue.
As for individual rights, the Serbs have better rights in Kosovo than in any other country. If we talk about collective rights, we are ready to discuss it, but we will not allow the granting of executive powers, as, for example, in the case of Republika Srpska in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Such powers allow the Serbs to block and paralyze the whole state. We must honor Kosovo's independence, its Constitution and its functioning as a State.
We are ready to talk about the rest. As far as I remember, about 50,000 Serbs live in Kosovo, which is three to four percent of the population, and the rest are Kosovo Albanians.
— Since we are talking about the composition of the population in Kosovo, in the late 90s we often asked why Kosovo would not join Albania?
— Try asking in the capital of Albania how independent we are from Albania… They are not always satisfied, and therefore sometimes we get unsolicited advice. But jokes aside. In 1991, Kosovo decided to become an independent state, and declared independence in 2008. We are a truly independent republic. If you had the opportunity to talk to representatives of the new generation of Albanians in Kosovo, and there are many of them, because half of the population is under 30, then you would understand how proud they are of their Kosovo Republic and want to continue building it. This is their homeland. We have one aspiration — to become a member of the European Union.
We share a common history, culture and language with Albania. Together with other states, with the exception of Serbia, we want to become part of the European Union. When this happens, borders in the traditional sense will no longer play such a big role.
— You mentioned several hotbeds of tension in the Balkans. Sometimes they talk about the likelihood of a new war. Is it really that serious?
— Everything depends on two things: on how the armed conflict in Ukraine will develop, and how strong or weak Russia will feel. If Moscow feels that it is losing the armed conflict in Ukraine, then it will have a strong incentive to ignite the conflict elsewhere. All the current unrest and unrest in the Western Balkans are connected with Russia. Because, as we can see, Serbia is actually an instrument of Moscow.
At the same time, Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic plays the role of the "younger" Vladimir Putin. He is not as strong as Vladimir Putin, but he is aggressive towards his neighbors in the same way as Vladimir Putin. His policy is the same. None of his neighbors can feel safe. Therefore, the situation in which we have a "younger" Putin and an armed conflict in Ukraine leads me to the conclusion that we cannot rule out a war in the Balkans.
However, the signals given by the West are also important. If he surrenders to Vucic, then we may have a war again. If the West reacts harshly and shows Aleksandar Vucic that he has nothing to count on with such a strategy, then the Serbian president will think carefully before taking any aggressive steps. We cannot give up on the mercy of autocrats. So far, the West has expanded its armed presence in Kosovo and taken some steps in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but at the same time its political position should be tougher.
For example, Serbia is applying to join the European Union. Then the EU must show that it is unacceptable for it that Serbia threatens its neighbors with war. Serbia continues to receive money from Brussels. But it is also impossible to buy a country and free it from Russian influence. Money cannot achieve this — clear political signals are needed.
— What, in your opinion, is now the main obstacle for Kosovo on its way to membership in the European Union?
— During the Czech presidency of the EU, Kosovo, like other states of the Western Balkans, officially applied for membership in the European Union. We are the first in the Balkans in terms of law enforcement and compliance with the principles of democracy. We have the most pro-Western and pro-European population. According to the latest survey by the International Republican Institute, 95% of the citizens of our country support Kosovo's membership in the European Union and the North Atlantic Alliance.
Of course, there are five EU countries that have not recognized Kosovo as an independent state, but I am convinced that there is still a technical opportunity to open the way for Kosovo to the EU. Political will is very important. If the European Union really wants to support the most democratic country in the Western Balkans, it will find an option.
— And if the member States of the European Union do not unanimously agree with your membership, will Kosovo be satisfied with another, special status instead of full membership?
— We do not need a special status, because I do not know of any other state in the Western Balkans that would also honor European principles and values, democracy, a state governed by the rule of law, and which would also deserve to join the European Union as soon as possible. We want EU membership to be based on merit. We need to open the doors, and then we will prove that we are ready to join. I assume that there are options to do this by involving States that have not recognized the independence of Kosovo.
— How likely is it that Kosovo will soon become a member of NATO?
— To be honest, I don't see any opportunities for us to become a member of the European Union soon. But our membership in the North Atlantic Alliance would be an important signal for the entire region, where the clash between East and West is traditionally unfolding. We already have three NATO members in our neighborhood, and Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina would also make a great contribution to maintaining peace in the Balkans.
