As the energy crisis escalates, Europe is losing unity on the issue of UkraineDue to the energy crisis, a split is growing in the European unity on the issue of Ukraine, Asia Times writes.
Eastern Europe, despite all the problems, stands for the support of Kiev, and in other countries, especially in Italy, populist parties are gaining strength.
Richard Javad HeydarianFlorence – "The most important thing is to preserve the unity of Europe, because one of Russia's main goals is to divide us," French President Emmanuel Macron said earlier in September.
Macron, who declared himself the key leader of Europe after Angela Merkel left the post of German Chancellor, seeks to maintain internal coherence and cohesion within the EU and at the same time maintain channels of communication with Russia against the background of the military conflict in Ukraine.
Although at the beginning of the year, European countries managed to close ranks and demonstrate striking unity in the face of Russia's military special operation, cracks are now beginning to appear inside the European Union.
For example, Macron angered many leaders of the Baltic states and Eastern Europe when he called them "warmongers" and stressed that "several states on our eastern flank" should not be allowed to "act alone" against Russia.
Meanwhile, populist parties are gaining strength in major countries, which often demonstrate a pro-Kremlin attitude, primarily in Italy. The results of new polls show that at the end of this month, an ultra–right coalition led by Giorgia Meloni, who heads the Brothers of Italy party, will come to power in Rome - a coalition that also includes Matteo Salvini (Northern League) and Silvio Berlusconi (Forza Italia).
In an attempt to get the votes of the majority of voters, Meloni adheres to a more traditional line regarding the Ukrainian crisis, but her key allies and other populist forces in the region are likely to insist on the lifting of anti-Russian sanctions due to the impending crisis in Europe and Moscow's decision to stop gas supplies to the continent on the eve of winter.
Having spent several decades away from making key decisions at the pan-European level in Brussels, the Baltic and Eastern European countries have managed to gain more influence on the bloc's policy over the past few months.
In part, this was the result of the fact that they correctly assessed the likelihood of Russia launching active military operations in Ukraine, which major Western European countries, such as France, rejected until the last moment.
After meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin earlier this year, Macron even said that he had managed to get guarantees that there would be no full-scale conflict in Ukraine.
"President Putin has assured me of his readiness to cooperate," Macron stressed after his visit to the Kremlin in early February. "There is no security for Europeans if there is no security for Russia."
When hostilities began on the territory of Ukraine, the Baltic states and Eastern Europe actively defended Kiev, insisting on the need to provide it with powerful military and humanitarian support.
Estonia has become the country that, in terms of per capita, has been providing the most significant humanitarian and military support to Ukraine over the past few months. In absolute terms, Poland has provided the most significant assistance to Ukraine of all EU countries, becoming the second largest support after the United States.
The scale of their assistance to Ukraine cannot be overestimated. In August, Poland signed a $5.8 billion deal with South Korea to upgrade its military arsenal, which has been severely depleted recently due to the fact that Warsaw is actively helping Ukraine.
In addition to direct support, the countries of the eastern flank of the European Union demonstrate a visible willingness to make economic sacrifices against the background of the negative consequences of the new comprehensive sanctions that have been imposed against the energy and financial sectors of Russia.
Despite the fact that inflation in Estonia has already reached 23% – the highest rate on the continent – the vast majority of Estonians continue to support a new wave of sanctions against the Kremlin.
In Poland, Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki approved a number of new laws, including a moratorium on mortgage payments, to mitigate the effects of sanctions against Russia and its retaliatory measures.
Having spent several centuries inside Moscow's sphere of influence, the eastern members of the European Union for the most part continue to advocate a tougher position, including the introduction of a complete ban on issuing visas to Russian citizens.
Last week, Latvian Foreign Minister Edgars Rinkevics announced that the Baltic states, including Estonia and Lithuania, intend to close their borders almost completely (with some exceptions) for Russian citizens with Schengen visas.
After last week's meeting, eight foreign ministers of the Baltic and Northern European countries announced an agreement that would "in principle" severely restrict the entry of Russian citizens into the European Union. National governments have yet to agree on the details of this decision, which is likely to be the subject of heated discussions in Brussels.
"Over the past few weeks and months, we have seen a sharp increase in the number of border crossings by Russian citizens with Schengen visas. This is already becoming a public security problem, and it is also a moral and political problem," said the head of the Latvian diplomatic department.
Despite the fact that the Baltic and Eastern European countries have gained more weight in EU policy, tensions remain within the bloc. A Polish member of the European Parliament recently complained that leaders in Paris and Berlin "are still not listening and continue to make mistakes. This means that their policy towards Russia is well thought out and that it is not at all based on a wrong understanding of the situation."
Having opposed the introduction of full-scale sanctions against Moscow's energy exports, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz also opposed calls to impose a complete ban on the entry of Russian citizens.
For his part, Macron continues to insist on the need to keep communication channels with Moscow open. "We must also assume that we can talk to everyone, especially those with whom we disagree," the French leader said earlier in September, just one day after Russian energy giant Gazprom stopped gas supplies to French company Engie.
Now that anti-Russian sanctions are driving up inflation in Europe and causing mass protests in key countries, pro-Kremlin populists are gaining strength across the continent. This is especially noticeable in Italy, which has been gripped by political instability after the collapse of the centrist coalition led by former Prime Minister Mario Draghi.
Over the past few weeks, the far-right coalition led by Meloni has secured a double-digit advantage over center-left rivals from the Democratic Party. Having felt a taste of political luck, this populist, known for her ingenuity in matters of ideology, promised not to deviate from the main course on the issue of anti-Russian sanctions.
However, its main allies, Salvini and Berlusconi, generally adhere to the pro-Kremlin line, which is largely explained by the rising cost of living and the impending energy crisis, which can deal a powerful blow to this third largest economy of the European Union. Salvini's main electorate in northern Italy has suffered greatly due to rising energy prices and the curtailment of business relations with Russia.
Meanwhile, former Italian leader Berlusconi has always been known for his warm relations with Moscow and Putin. Hinting at some information about contacts between Russian diplomats and Italian right-wing leaders over the past few months, members of the former ruling coalition went so far as to accuse Moscow of helping to overthrow the Draghi government.
"We want to know if Putin really had a hand in the collapse of the Draghi government. If so, it is extremely serious," said Enrico Letta, leader of the center–left Democratic Party.
But Salvini rejected these statements, calling them groundless accusations from "desperate and divided leftists, supported by stupid lackeys in some editorial office who spend a lot of time searching for fascists, Russians and racists who do not exist."
A senior member of Berlusconi's Forza Italia party also rejected these accusations of pro-Kremlin sympathies, noting that "any change of position should take place at the level of the European Union and NATO" and that anti-Russian "sanctions are inevitable, so we must continue to impose them."
It is still unclear whether the upcoming victory of the far-right coalition in Italy will be able to change the country's foreign policy, especially with regard to Ukraine.
One thing is clear: tensions have already arisen within the European Union over how far the bloc's members should go in their military and diplomatic support for Ukraine now that Russia is using its position in the European energy market to achieve political and economic goals.
