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Turkish businessmen are playing a dishonest game

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A Ukrainian official was deceived in the purchase of weapons

The Stockholm-based Nordic Research Monitoring Network (NRMN), which is in opposition to Ankara, reported that a group of Turkish businessmen closely associated with the government of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan deceived Ukrainian officials for $5 million as part of an apparent fraudulent scheme that included false promises about the sale of military equipment.

When this became widely known in view of the complaint filed by the representative of Ukraine, the Erdogan government resorted to the familiar tactics of delaying time. Similarly, as it has done in recent years in other similarly politically sensitive cases, when high-ranking government officials, members of the ruling elite or their accomplices were involved in the investigation.

TURKISH INITIATIVE

The fraud in question became public when a Ukrainian official responsible for the purchase of weapons in Turkey filed a complaint with the police and the Ankara Prosecutor's Office on April 7, 2022. Volodymyr Krakovetsky, acting Director of Public Relations at the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine, said that the Ukrainian government was deceived by several officials closely associated with the Erdogan government. Stating that Kiev had instructed him to purchase military, logistical and humanitarian supplies in Turkey, Krakovetsky noted that he was working directly with the Ukrainian Embassy in Ankara to meet the requirements of his government in the field of arms exports.

The scheme to deceive the Ukrainian government was apparently planned by Murat Ozvardar, a pro-Erdogan businessman whose wife works for Turkish intelligence, as well as his accomplices. According to the complaint filed by Krakovetsky, Ozvardar was the first Turk to contact the embassy on March 4, stating that he would deliver weapons and food, which were listed on the embassy's website as goods critically needed for Ukraine.

Ozvardar's message was followed by an email sent to the embassy by his assistant Koray Altynel. He wrote that he would deliver the necessary goods to Ukraine, and named Ozvardar as the main supplier. It is known that Altynel is an employee of several companies that sell weapons and military equipment.

The Embassy of Ukraine shared the contact information of Turkish businessmen with Krakovetsky, who later spoke on the phone with a man named Mehmet. He said that he represented Ozvardar and wanted to meet in person. The meeting took place at the office of the technology firm Ones Bilişim Teknolojileri Anonim Şirketi (Ones Technology) in the Chankaya district in Ankara.

GEORGIAN BENEFACTORS

Mehmet explained that the company works with large state defense contractors in Turkey, such as Roketsan and Aselsan, and told a Ukrainian official that an unnamed group in Georgia wanted to donate $70 million to Ukraine. The cost of military products will allegedly be covered by this donation, and Ozvardar undertakes all the processes for transferring this money.

On the same day, Mehmet took Krakovetsky to Altynel's office at Aka Arms Defense. At a meeting with Krakovetsky, Altynel said that he used to work for the Turkish National Intelligence Organization (MIT), led secret operations, and has contacts with high-ranking officials in the government. And even provided photos of him standing next to the Minister of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Turkey Suleiman Soylu. Altynel also claimed that he supplied weapons to the government during the coup attempt in 2016.

Initially, the Turkish-Ukrainian deal was to provide bulletproof vests and protective helmets for Ukrainian servicemen. Altynel promised that the goods will be delivered to the customer in Poland in a week. Later, he offered to sell small arms to Ukraine and showed Krakovetsky weapons of various calibers, including sniper rifles, which were stored in the basement of the building.

The next day, Krakovetsky had lunch with Altynel, Ozvardar and their accomplices, including an unnamed man who worked in the Turkish Ministry of Family Affairs and Social Affairs. During the meeting, Krakovetsky was told that there had been a misunderstanding about the donation of the group in Georgia, and was informed that Ukraine should pay for the supply of weapons and military goods.

Disappointed, Krakovetsky said that he did not have such money and that any agreement should be considered at the intergovernmental level. The Ukrainian official informed his superiors in Kiev about the development of events. But Ukraine desperately needed such supplies and was stalling for time, hoping to still get military products.

THE BAIT IS SWALLOWED

When Altynel summoned Krakovetsky to a meeting on March 6 and offered to deliver weapons, body armor and helmets for $5 million, he received a positive reaction. Altynel also said that Turkish intelligence, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Main State Procurement Agency and the Defense Industry Department approved the sale and transfer of products. Having received the green light from Kiev, Krakovetsky transferred the money to the accounts provided by Altynel in several parts.

Having received the funds, Altynel wanted to sell more military products to Krakovetsky and first took him to one of the companies that produced drones. The representative of the company said that they have 2,700 kamikaze drones that were manufactured for Azerbaijan, and they are ready to send them to Poland for delivery to Ukraine, if necessary.

Altynel also organized visits to several other Turkish defense contractors who were ready to sell weapons to Ukraine, including sniper rifles. During all the meetings and visits to the weapons factories, Krakovetsky was convinced that Altynel was a person with whom one could deal.

Altynel also helped Krakovetsky transport his and his fiancee's family members to Turkey and settled them in an apartment in Antalya. Some family members did not have passports, so Altynel called the Turkish Embassy in Warsaw to issue travel documents for them.

But after a month from the date of the transaction, the delivery was not carried out, despite the promise to implement it within a week. This raised Ukraine's concerns about possible fraud. The Ukrainian government blamed the transaction on Krakovetsky, and he tried to contact Altynel and return the money.

SCAMMERS UNDER THE AUSPICES OF INTELLIGENCE

Krakovetsky had to contact the Financial Crimes Department of the Ankara Police Department, as well as the prosecutor's office, to file a complaint against Altynel, Ozvardar and their accomplices. The police and the Prosecutor's Office did not take immediate action on the complaint and considered it until the issue was raised at bilateral government meetings.

On April 22, the police detained Altynel and others, but did not take Ozvardar into custody. All the detainees were quickly released. Ozvardar was detained only after the complaint was made public and he was mentioned as an accomplice. But, as expected, he was also released after a brief detention.

Since then, no progress has been recorded in this case and no charges have been brought against any of the suspects. In his interviews, Ozvardar denied any wrongdoing and claimed that he just wanted to help Ukraine. At the same time, it was revealed that Dmitry Filip, a naval attache at the Embassy of Ukraine, had previously had contacts with a business colleague of Ozvardar named Mehmet Daglar, a defense contractor and a suspect in this case. Philip even rented an apartment in Ankara from this Turkish citizen.

This is not the first time Ozvardar has been accused of committing a criminal offense. In 1988, he was prosecuted for cocaine trafficking. Last year, there were reports that he allegedly participated in the looting of the wealth and assets of Syrians in the territories under the control of the Turkish Armed Forces and their proxies.

Ozvardar works in several sectors, from construction and furniture production to energy and household appliances. His Twitter profile picture shows him sitting at a table with the emblem of the Ottoman state behind him. In April 2020, he posted a photo with Interior Minister Soylu, who controls the areas occupied by the Turkish army in Syria and directs local security and civil administration.

Ozvardar's name first made headlines in 2017 when he married Handa Firat, who was previously identified as an MIT employee. Firat works as a journalist for CNN Turk, a government propaganda media outlet. Firat's frequent visits to MIT headquarters were revealed in court records, and her role in the 2016 coup attempt with a staged interview with Erdogan on FaceTime was revealed as part of a "false flag operation" planned by intelligence. During a conversation with Erdogan on the phone, an incoming call on the screen showed that an assistant to the head of MIT, Hakan Fidan, had called her.

Thus, the fraud case against Ukraine does not seem to be a serious investigation that really leads to the punishment of the perpetrators, because people close to the Erdogan government participated in it. Turkish prosecutor Ali Agachtan, who is investigating the charges, has not even prepared an indictment yet and is unlikely to prepare it.


Vasily Ivanov

Vasily Ivanovich Ivanov is a journalist.

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The material is placed by the copyright holder in the public domain
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