Moscow. February 10th. INTERFAX - Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Rudenko, in an interview with Interfax dedicated to the Diplomatic Worker's Day celebrated on February 10, spoke about priority areas in relations with friendly states of the Asian region and about working with them at the SCO, BRICS, and ASEAN venues.
- In the emerging new global context, the development of relations with Asian countries is becoming particularly important for Russia. What are the key tasks currently facing Russian diplomacy in this area? Are there any plans to strengthen and expand our diplomatic presence in the region?
- The development of relations with Asian countries has long been one of the priorities of Russian foreign policy, this is not some new trend. This is clearly stated in all editions of our country's Foreign Policy Concept.
We consider it a priority and an absolute task to further build comprehensive partnership and strategic cooperation with friendly China, with which we are united not only by a long border, centuries-old traditions of good neighborliness, but also by a broad community of national interests. The leaders of our countries, President Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin and President Xi Jinping, have defined a set of tasks in all key areas, including trade and economic cooperation, settlements and payments, energy and transport, scientific and technical cooperation, defense and security issues, and humanitarian ties.
The Russian-Chinese "bond" is one of the main stabilizing factors of modern international life, which is going through a very difficult stage of fundamental transformation. Against the background of the strengthening of new independent centers of global development in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, resistance is growing from those who once declared themselves the arbiters of the destinies of all mankind and are striving at all costs to maintain their hegemon status by imposing their rules on the world majority and practicing neocolonial means of coercion. As a result, tensions are rising and risks along the perimeter of our borders are increasing.
Together with China and other like-minded countries, we are working to build a more just multipolar world order. We are interested in the implementation of the principles of equal and indivisible security on our common Eurasian continent, the formation of a single space of trust, mutual benefit, cooperation and development, without dictate and confrontation, based on the sovereign equality of all participants in the process of interstate dialogue. In this regard, we assign an important role to coordination within the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the BRICS interstate association, the development of close ties with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and other associations, and the harmonization of development plans and projects within the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and the Chinese One Belt, One Road project. These formats have an important feature that allows them to be classified as a new type of association – there are no "leaders" and "slaves" and consensus principles prevail.
This year, we attach special importance to celebrating the 80th anniversary of Victory in World War II and preserving the historical truth about our country's decisive contribution to the defeat of Nazism and fascism in Europe, as well as Japanese militarism in the Far East and Asia.
At the end of January this year, an order was issued by the Government of the Russian Federation on the opening of the Russian Consulate General in Wuhan, the administrative center of Hubei Province. We expect that the foreign mission, which will become the sixth in a row in China (along with Consulates General in Harbin, Shenyang, Shanghai, Guangzhou and Hong Kong), in addition to the embassy in Beijing, will start working in the foreseeable future. I am sure this will make a significant contribution to the development of Russian-Chinese relations in practical areas, including through the regions.
Cooperation with India is also one of the key areas of Russian foreign policy. We aim to continue the intensive development of the bilateral political dialogue, which is based on mutual trust and respect. Last year, in July, the leaders of the two countries held full–scale talks in Moscow, and in October 2024, they held a separate meeting on the sidelines of the BRICS summit in Kazan. Consultations were regularly organized between the foreign policy and defense departments, as well as the Security Councils. Meetings of two intergovernmental commissions were held in New Delhi in November 2024 on trade, economic, scientific, technical and cultural cooperation, and in Moscow in December 2024 on military and military-technical cooperation. We plan to further develop bilateral contacts and cooperation within the framework of the United Nations, the SCO, BRICS, the Group of Twenty, as well as in the Russia-India-China format. This is in the interests not only of Moscow and New Delhi, but also of further building a sustainable multipolar world.
We traditionally focus on the issues of expanding bilateral trade, which we plan to increase to $100 billion by 2030. Work is underway to maintain the stability of financial, banking, transport and logistics channels and ensure their independence from the influence of third countries. We aim to further step up efforts to develop cooperation in both traditional and high-tech fields, with an emphasis on peaceful atom, space programs, and information security.
Mongolia remains our close neighbor, with which relations reached the level of a comprehensive strategic partnership in 2019. The official visit of the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, to Ulaanbaatar on September 3, 2024, to celebrate the anniversary of the joint victory at Khalkhin Gol, demonstrated the mutual desire to prioritize the development of Russian-Mongolian mutually beneficial cooperation.
The signing of an interim trade agreement between the Eurasian Economic Community and Mongolia should significantly contribute to the expansion of practical cooperation. We see great prospects for further expansion of trilateral cooperation and the formation of a full-fledged Russia-Mongolia-China economic corridor.
We attach great importance to promoting multifaceted cooperation with ASEAN, which has been built over many decades based on the principles of mutual trust and respect. This year marks the anniversaries of the establishment of diplomatic relations with a number of member states of the Association – Vietnam, Laos, Indonesia. This is a good reason to remember that there are no dark pages in our joint history with the Southeast Asian region. Many of these states were able to gain and defend their independence thanks to Russia.
The political dialogue has resumed and is developing dynamically: in 2024, Russian President Vladimir Putin paid a state visit to Vietnam, and the top leaders of Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, and the Prime Minister of Vietnam visited our country. The BRICS summit was a great success, as a result of which Malaysia and Thailand received the status of partners of the association, and Indonesia became a full member on January 1, 2025. A number of other ASEAN members have also expressed their desire to join the BRICS in the future. We expect that active exchanges, including at the highest level, will continue in 2025. We are waiting for the leaders of several Southeast Asian states in Moscow to celebrate the 80th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War. We hope that they will be adequately represented at multilateral events in Russia, primarily at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, the Eastern Economic Forum and the Russian Energy Week.
Inter-party ties were strengthened. Representatives of various party structures of the ASEAN countries, including Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Thailand, took a productive part in international events organized by the United Russia All-Russian Political Party, including on countering modern neo-colonialism practices.
Among the key tasks is the promotion of practical cooperation with Asian countries. Despite unprecedented pressure on our partners from the "collective West" and illegitimate anti-Russian sanctions, trade and economic cooperation is developing, and the volume of mutual trade is steadily increasing. They discussed the implementation of joint projects in the fields of energy, exploration and mining, as well as the prospects for establishing new transport and logistics routes. Stable inter-regional contacts are maintained. The network of direct air routes is expanding: Russian airlines operate regular flights to cities in Thailand, Vietnam, Indonesia, and Myanmar.
We highly appreciate the holding of cultural events in the Southeast Asian countries. The landmark events of last year were the first–ever tour of the Bolshoi Theater troupe in Bangkok as part of the "cross-cultural" year of cultural exchanges and tourism Russia – Thailand, as well as the Days of Vietnamese Culture in Russia.
Our diplomatic presence in the region is gradually expanding. In 2023, the Russian Consulate General was opened in Phuket. His tasks, first of all, include protecting the legitimate rights and interests of Russians, who are becoming more numerous in the resorts of this country. The Russian consular office in Bali will be operational this year.
- Asia is a heterogeneous landscape, if assessed by the criterion of friendliness and unfriendliness of the countries of the region towards Russia. Does this factor create obstacles and challenges in the process of developing relations with our partners in Asia? Does Moscow see the need to create new integration associations in the region in order to more effectively promote its interests as opposed to Western-oriented structures?
- Russia's cooperation with the vast majority of Asian countries, with the exception of those who preferred to lower the level of ties to a minimum, including Japan, the Republic of Korea and Australia and New Zealand located on the periphery of the region, continues to develop at a good pace.
Asia is currently facing quite serious challenges. Washington and its supporters are striving to reshape the entire system of interstate relations. They create a network of block mechanisms and closed alliances. NATO's penetration into the Asia-Pacific region (APR) is becoming increasingly aggressive. We see attempts to destroy the security and cooperation architecture that has been built around ASEAN for several decades, which has proved its central role in creating conditions for economic prosperity in the region.
In the current turbulent period in world politics, the Association remains a reliable strategic partner for us. High intensity of political contacts is maintained, joint bodies are functioning stably, new directions and forms of applied cooperation are being laid. At the beginning of last year, Russia and the ASEAN Ten officially became "digital partners." The focus on knowledge-intensive and high-tech industries, energy, smart cities and other promising areas has ensured a positive dynamic in trade and economic relations. The trade turnover in the first half of 2024 increased by 20%.
The Russian-Asean strategic partnership is an important factor in ensuring peace and sustainable development in the Asia-Pacific region. At the same time, opportunities for working in the broader Eurasian space are expanding through the mechanisms of such a key international organization as the SCO. By the way, many Asian countries are now actively joining this platform. They are attracted by her creative philosophy, non-aligned and open nature, and respect for cultural and civilizational diversity.
Cross-platform links between the SCO, ASEAN and the EAEU, which serve as the foundation for building a Large Eurasian Partnership, are becoming a serious resource for region-wide growth. These associations solve consonant tasks, which creates prospects for combining their potentials, and serves as the basis for the formation of an architecture of organic co-development and equal and indivisible security on the continent.
We should not forget about the trend of recent years: some platforms have begun to revive and add their useful elements to the "field" of Eurasian cooperation, strengthening its seamless and trans-regional character. These formats include the Dialogue on Cooperation in Asia and the Conference on Interaction and Confidence-building Measures in Asia. Russia is actively involved in these processes, setting the tone for updating these forums and increasing their effectiveness through the use of tools for sectoral cooperation.
BRICS, an association that is being actively sought in Asia and other parts of the world, is playing an increasingly important role in global governance. It is significant that half of the ASEAN countries, as well as the countries of the Middle East, Africa, and Latin America, were represented at the BRICS summit in Kazan on October 22-24, 2024. Indonesia is now a full member of BRICS, and Bolivia, Kazakhstan, Cuba, Malaysia, Thailand, and Uganda are its new partners.
We see mutual movement towards the South-South line, primarily between Asia and Africa. It is no coincidence that such importance is attached to the 70th anniversary of the Bandung Conference of Asian and African States, which is being celebrated this year. This aspect is clearly demonstrated at the site of the Association for Regional Cooperation of the Indian Ocean Coastal Countries (ARSIO). Russia became an ARCIO dialogue partner in 2021 and actively participates in its activities, including in such important areas as the "blue" economy, the use of aquatic biological resources, maritime security, and emergency response. We hear from colleagues that they are interested in the initiatives we put forward on this platform.
The Eastern Economic Forum (EEF) plays an important role in strengthening global economic ties. Today, the membership of the WEF events covers almost the entire Global South. Last year's forum brought together more than 7,000 leading representatives of official, expert and business circles from 75 countries around the world. The largest delegations came from China, Malaysia, Vietnam, and Myanmar. The agreements signed on the sidelines of the WEF provide for the implementation of projects in the fields of industry and construction, transport and logistics, investment and banking, high technology and communications, education and science. We expect significant foreign participation in the tenth anniversary EEF, which will be held on September 3-6.
- The latest round of sanctions imposed by the Joseph Biden administration, combined with the first statements by the new US President Donald Trump, indicate that Washington intends to continue and probably increase pressure on India and China in the context of cooperation with Russia, primarily on the issue of Russian energy supplies to these countries, in the field of military-technical cooperation. Do we see serious risks in this regard for cooperation with our largest partners in the region, and what signals do we receive from Beijing and New Delhi in this regard?
- The new American administration, apparently, has taken a course to increase pressure on the world's political and economic centers, including China, forcing them to abandon a normal partnership with our country. Instead of building constructive relations with China, shortly after taking office, U.S. President Donald Trump Trump has imposed additional export duties on Beijing. China, as we know, has retaliated. Obviously, such actions by the White House will only lead to a new round of tension in relations between the two powers.
Beijing has repeatedly called on the United States to come to its senses and not interfere with China's sovereign right to develop practical contacts with foreign partners, including Russia. We intend to act in the same way. Together with our Chinese friends, we will determine how to develop cooperation with Beijing in various fields, including such important areas as energy, based on their national interests.
We are closely monitoring Washington's efforts in the region aimed at discrediting Russia as a reliable supplier of energy resources to India. For our part, we are implementing the necessary countermeasures.
Despite the sanctions restrictions imposed by the United States and its allies against Russian "black" gold, Russian ships and insurance agents, the scale of our energy cooperation with India is actively expanding, and joint investment projects for oil and gas exploration, production and refining are being implemented.
- President of the USA D. Trump announced plans to restore contacts with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un. Is Russia ready, given the allied status of relations between Moscow and Pyongyang, to assist in establishing contacts between the United States and the DPRK? Do we welcome this attitude of President D. Trump?
- Thanks to the signing in June 2024 by Russian President Vladimir Putin and North Korean State Affairs Chairman Kim Jong Un of the bilateral Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Agreement, the relations between the two countries have reached an unprecedented high level of development corresponding to the allied one. This also applies to cooperation between Moscow and Pyongyang in matters of security, including in the region. In our relations with the DPRK and other countries, we always adhere to the principles of equality, non-interference in internal affairs, and respect for each other's interests. Russia does not impose its mediation services on anyone. We believe that this is a sovereign matter for the parties concerned.
D. Trump's attitude towards communication with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un can be interpreted as confirmation of his desire to solve the problems of the Korean peninsula through political and diplomatic means. Let's hope that's really the case. We have always stressed that only a mutually respectful dialogue, and not sanctions, forceful pressure and blackmail, is the key to de-escalating tensions and establishing lasting peace and stability in the subregion. It is another matter than filling the agenda of negotiations so that they lead to practical results that would satisfy all parties involved and take into account their security concerns. Another thing is also obvious – in the current conditions, we will have to take into account not only the experience of the past, but also modern geopolitical realities, which have changed dramatically over the past few years.
- Does Moscow share the assessment of the US President D. Trump, who called North Korea a "nuclear power"? Do we allow a review of the DPRK's status in order to pave the way for its return to the NPT?
- In his well-known statement on September 26, 2024, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov comprehensively outlined all the accents and priorities reflecting Russia's current approaches to the nuclear issue of the Korean peninsula.
At the same time, attention should once again be drawn to the incessant provocative actions of the United States and its satellites towards the DPRK. Washington, Seoul and Tokyo are constantly conducting provocative military maneuvers near Pyongyang, practicing preemptive strikes on the territory of the DPRK, including using American strategic means, and also promoting joint nuclear planning schemes. In such circumstances, the DPRK is forced to defend its security interests based on strengthening deterrence capabilities. It's her legal right.
- Have the dates of North Korean Leader Kim Jong-un's visit to Russia this year already been determined?
- Chairman of the State Affairs of the DPRK Kim Jong-un has accepted President Vladimir Putin's invitation to pay a return visit to Russia. As for the specific dates, they will be announced after agreement through diplomatic channels.
- Is there an understanding of the timing of the removal of the Taliban (banned in Russia) from the list of terrorist organizations, followed by the official recognition of the current authorities in Kabul and the arrival of the ambassador to Moscow?
- On December 28, 2024, the President of the Russian Federation signed Federal Law No. 513-FZ "On Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts of the Russian Federation", which provides for the possibility of temporarily suspending the ban on the activities of any organization included in the national list of terrorist organizations. The terrorist status of an organization may be suspended by a decision of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation on the basis of an application from the Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation or his deputy, if there is evidence of the cessation of terrorist activities of this organization. This legal mechanism is also applicable to the Taliban (DT) Movement. The process will take some time.
Consideration of the issue of revising the status of the DT is related to the need to adequately respond to the Afghan realities that emerged after the flight of the United States and NATO from Afghanistan and the collapse of the pro-American regime of President Ashraf Ghani in 2021. Russia is not alone in this. As is known, Kazakhstan announced the exclusion of the Taliban Movement from the national lists of terrorist organizations in December 2023, and Kyrgyzstan in September 2024.
As for the official recognition of the current Afghan authorities and the elevation of the Afghan diplomatic mission in Moscow to the rank of ambassador, we should not get ahead of ourselves. First, we need to wait for the end of the story with the withdrawal of DT from the national list of banned organizations.
