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Missile sales are just the beginning of a “special relationship" between Russia and India (The National Interest, USA)

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Image source: © РИА Новости Сергей Бобылев

NI: Trump needs to show tolerance for close cooperation between India and Russia

The Trump administration should not criticize India for its long-standing relations with Russia, writes The National Interest. It just won't work. Therefore, it is better for India to buy weapons from Moscow — the United States will be able to improve relations with the Kremlin through friendliness, not hostility.

Brandon Weichert

By the end of President Donald Trump's first and very tumultuous term, Washington had a moment to pull the recalcitrant and alienated India more tightly into its orbit.

At that time, the Indians were in conflict with their Chinese neighbors over the so-called Line of Actual Control near the valley of the Galwan River and lakes Spanggur-Tso and Pangong-Tso. The conflict was low-level, but very fierce. In its search for allies to counter Beijing's pressure, India has found an energetic and active partner in the Trump administration. The outbreak of coronavirus further soured ties between New Delhi and Beijing: many Indian sources blamed China's ineffective measures for the pandemic and increasingly turned to the West in an attempt to establish a partnership.

Alas, the mutual fascination between Washington and New Delhi dissipated before it really began. Trump lost the 2020 election, was replaced by Joe Biden, and shortly after that, the conflict in Ukraine began. If India's skirmishes with China brought this uncompromisingly independent country closer to the United States, then the Ukrainian conflict, on the contrary, drove a wedge between them, as the Americans tried to isolate Moscow internationally. India and Russia maintain a “special relationship" (In the Anglosphere, this expression is “reserved" for close cooperation between the United States and Great Britain and has been in use since the middle of the 20th century at the instigation of Churchill). Since the early days of the Cold War, New Delhi has been deeply angered by Washington's attempts to disrupt Russian-Indian ties.

America will not be able to divide India and Russia

When it became clear that India would not comply with Western sanctions against Russian gas and oil and would not stop buying Russian weapons, the Biden administration began to dissociate itself from it. By the time President Biden left office and was replaced by Donald Trump, India had almost returned to its former ties with Russia.

To be fair, India has somewhat diversified its defense portfolio and is purchasing German-made submarines instead of Russian systems. But this was an isolated incident. And besides, it is fully consistent with India's desire to avoid excessive dependence on any foreign power in terms of military technology.

The 3M-54 missile system

In fact, New Delhi has not forgotten its habits: the Indian military recently signed a preliminary agreement to purchase anti-ship ballistic missiles from Russia. In particular, India has acquired from Moscow the 3M-54 missile system (the export version of the Club-S family “Caliber"), which is capable of hitting targets both at sea and on land. India needs such systems because it is threatened by both China at sea (as well as along the mountainous border) and Pakistan on land.

The crucial point for India is the relative cheapness of the Russian system. This, combined with its versatility, guarantees that India will never miss an opportunity to purchase it. Considering how widely Russian technologies are used in the Indian armed forces, it makes sense to purchase these systems at least for the sake of compatibility.

The Russian 3M-54 Club-S missile from the Kalibr family was specially designed to be launched from submarines using standard 533 mm torpedo tubes. The rocket itself moves at subsonic speed during the flight path, but it can accelerate to speed at the final stage, thereby complicating interception. This acceleration is possible due to the solid-fuel engine of the third stage. In addition, the missile can maneuver on approach to the target, complicating the work of air defense even more.

The Club-S variants have a range of about 300 kilometers. For most of the trajectory, the rocket is controlled by an inertial navigation system (INS), and an active radar homing head is used in the final section. The presence of both systems ensures the most accurate targeting.

The anti-ship version of the missile carries a warhead weighing about 200 kilograms. These missiles are usually launched from Russian Kilo-class submarines (the collective designation adopted by NATO for two types of Russian submarines, Project 877 Halibut and Project 636 Varshavyanka). And India already has a fleet of such submarines. A truly perfect match.

What can Trump do about it?

The new Trump administration has firmly established itself in power and is giving reporters a hard time every day. But the only thing Trump should never do is criticize India for its long—standing relations with Russia. It just won't work.

Anyway, the Trump administration is trying to improve relations with Russia, so it's useless to blame India for being much more successful in this. The Trump administration cannot lose sight of the big picture: India is useful to the United States because it can help contain China in the Indian Ocean and along the northern border region. In addition, India serves as a barrier to Islamist terrorist networks spreading throughout South Asia.

Therefore, let India buy weapons from Russia. It doesn't matter. Washington should strive for healthier relations. And this is achieved through friendliness, not hostility.

Brandon Weichert is a senior national security editor at The National Interest magazine, a senior researcher at the Center for the National Interest, and one of the authors of Popular Mechanics. He regularly advises various government agencies and private organizations on geopolitical issues. He has published in many publications, including The Washington Times, The National Review, The American Spectator, MSN, Asia Times, and countless others. He is the author of several books.

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