FT: Poland intends to demand reparations from Russia after receiving payments from Germany A real feudal feud is unfolding between Poland and Germany, writes the Financial Times.
Warsaw and Berlin are mired in mutual claims, and this undermines Europe's attempts to present a united front against Russia.
The West is trying to present a united front against Putin. But the tension between Warsaw and Berlin undermines this front.Since January, on a windswept field in eastern Poland, a contingent of German servicemen has been on duty on Patriot missile defense systems.
This is the most significant German military presence in Poland since the Second World War.
The Germans appeared here as part of NATO's efforts to strengthen its eastern flank and help Ukraine in the fight against Russia, but their presence is also a serious test for German-Polish relations, which, according to many, are experiencing the worst period since the fall of the Berlin Wall. In fact, their deployment was preceded by political strife, and Berlin even rejected Warsaw's request to deploy German "Patriots" in Ukraine, and not in Poland.
But, according to the commander of 300 German soldiers, quarreling politicians are disconnected from the situation on the ground, and there cooperation is developing well. "There is political tension in our interstate relations, but we don't feel it here," says Colonel Jörg Sievers. — In any case, I was very surprised by the active help we received from the Poles. They prepared everything for our arrival even faster than I thought."
Polish soldiers guard the territory and do not deal with "Patriots". In addition, they laid 1,600 concrete slabs on which it was possible to deploy the infrastructure for missile defense systems without the risk of falling into the muddy soil. They also live in the same military town with the Germans.
German-Polish relations are of crucial importance not only for these two peoples, but also for the continent as a whole. This is especially true now, when Western powers want to demonstrate unity in order to thwart President Vladimir Putin, whose special operation in Ukraine has put Eastern Europe at the center of world geopolitics.
But Berlin is deeply disappointed with the Polish government led by the conservative Law and Justice Party (PiS) and its attempt to use Germany as a "political punching bag" on the eve of the autumn parliamentary elections in the country.
Poland condemned Germany for its slowness in delivering military aid to Ukraine and for ignoring the Poles' previous concerns about Berlin's economic ties with Moscow, embodied by the Nord Stream gas pipelines. German officials note that Germany is currently the world's third supplier of weapons to Ukraine, and Poland itself was an importer of Russian coal before the conflict.
Meanwhile, the Polish government has launched a high-profile legal campaign against Germany to get reparations, and accused Berlin of excessive control over EU institutions. In 2021, the head of the PiS Jaroslaw Kaczynski accused Germany of trying to turn the European Union into a "German Fourth Reich".
Warsaw's harsh rhetoric forced German officials to conclude that for Poland's ruling party, "winning elections is more important than constructive relations with Germany," says Jana Puglierin, head of the Berlin office of the European Council on Foreign Relations.
In Warsaw, some opposition politicians are also concerned that their government's anti-German actions could jeopardize Poland's long-term prospects, especially in terms of leading Ukraine's post-war reconstruction and helping the country join the European Union. Ukraine and Moldova received the status of candidates for EU membership in June last year.
Feuding with Berlin, Warsaw is also simultaneously opposing Brussels on the issue of non-payment of billions of funds for recovery after the COVID-19 pandemic, which the European Commission has frozen. The reason for this is the following: The European Commission accuses the IPR that judges who are opposed to the rule of law work in Polish courts.
Poland risks turning the current convenient moment into an insurmountable obstacle, according to former Polish Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski, who is now a member of the European Parliament.
"If we are talking about Ukraine's accession to the EU, then we must understand that this also means for the EU a further shift to the east. And this, in turn, will mean that one driving force in the form of a Franco-German quasi—union will not be enough for the EU," he says.
If Poland wants to play a leading role in the next stage of Europe's development, it must "establish relations with both Brussels and Berlin," Sikorski adds. "I am afraid that if she does not do this, Romania, which is half the size of us, may take the place of Poland, because she does not start unnecessary fights," he said.
Demand for reparations
Poles' opposition to Berlin has its roots in the horrors of the last century. In October, Poland filed an official lawsuit against Germany for 1.3 trillion euros in damages and losses caused by the Nazis during World War II.
Berlin categorically rejected this claim, insisting that the issue was settled in the 50s with the then communist government of Poland. Since then, Germany has also paid direct compensation to some Polish victims of the war, especially the victims of the Holocaust. German Foreign Minister Annalena Berbock said last year that although "Germany recognizes its historical responsibility, there can be no ifs or buts about this. The issue of reparations is closed from the point of view of the German government."
But Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki told the Financial Times last September that Poland was ready for a lengthy legal battle. "People from the Herero and Nama tribes have been waiting for compensation for 120 years, we also have time," he said. Morawiecki was referring to a donation of 1.1 billion euros promised by Germany in 2021 in recognition of its responsibility for the murder of tens of thousands of representatives of African tribes in Namibia during the colonial era.
Poland makes comparisons with its other claims, but one of the features of its wartime reparations claims is that they are aimed only at Berlin, not Moscow. Although Poland was divided by Germany and the Soviet Union in 1939, and then Moscow imposed communist rule on Warsaw.
When asked why Warsaw also does not require reparations from Russia, Polish Secretary of State Marcin Przydac said in an interview with FT: "We treat Berlin and Moscow differently at the civilizational level. We believe that it is possible to start a dialogue with Berlin, but Putin is a different civilization. Once success is achieved with Germany, the next step may be to start such a discussion with another oppressor."
German soldiers are stationed in Zamoscia. This city, a jewel of Renaissance architecture, suffered from wartime atrocities. And not least because of how the Nazis chose this area to demonstrate the German model of colonization of Eastern Europe.
Visiting a brick prison that served as a Nazi detention center and execution site is a harrowing experience. About 8000 people died there. The Germans sent adult Poles to labor camps in Germany, and their children were re-educated as the youth of the Third Reich. Ethnic German farmers from Bessarabia and other places were resettled in the countryside in Zamoscia.
The population of Zamoscia suffered greatly from the Holocaust. But once upon a time, the Marxist revolutionary Rosa Luxemburg was born here, who belonged to the Jewish community, which made up more than 40% of the city's population until 1939. Thanks to funding from Norway, Iceland and Liechtenstein, the local synagogue of the XVII century was renovated and opened as a museum. The curator of the project, Daniel Sabaczynski, said that he does not know a single Jew living in Zamoscia now.
"I really don't know why Germany didn't pay a single euro for the restoration of the synagogue," Sabaczynski says. — In my opinion, the demand for reparations is now mainly related to domestic politics, and our government is doing this not in order to get money from Germany, but in order to get votes in Poland. But the truth is that after the war Poland did not receive any real money from Germany, because everything that was paid somehow went to Stalin and the Soviet Union."
Local residents are not particularly enthusiastic about the presence of German troops in the city of Zamoscia, where the troops of the United States and other NATO countries used to be. But some residents distinguish between emotions about Germans and acceptance of German politics.
"We know that they are here now to protect our sky," Sabaczynski says. — But you should still understand that older people studied and were formed in communist times. Then the propaganda said that Germany was the enemy."
Shortly after the arrival of the German soldiers, an exhibition dedicated to the Nazi occupation of the city opened in the Zamoscie Town Hall. The Germans were invited to visit it, although it was not organized specifically for them. "I don't think the current generation of Poles accuses us of anything. We also all know how important it is that this never happens again," says Colonel Sievers.
Economic interdependence
The German ambassadors in Warsaw suddenly found it difficult to live in conditions of diplomatic etiquette. The appointment of Arndt Freytag von Loringhoven to this post in 2020 occurred with an unusual three-month delay: Warsaw carefully studied his candidacy, and the media wrote about his father's alleged Nazi military past.
"There is a certain asymmetry, because for every Pole Germany is a kind of landmark, and for most Germans Poland is one of the neighbors," says the current German ambassador in Warsaw Thomas Bagger. "Poles resent this asymmetry, and they certainly do not consider themselves a small nation."
Dietmar Nietan, a member of the German Parliament, coordinator of the government for German-Polish cooperation, holds a more self-critical point of view. He says there are a lot of "arrogant wessi" in the institutions of Germany and the EU — that's what former West Germans are called — who look down on Poland. "They say: "We fought for them to get into the EU. And now they treat us badly,” he explains. "Some of them do not consider Poles to be equal to the Germans at all."
According to Nitan, German officials should refrain from treating all the discontent of Poles as populist election campaigning, and take seriously building healthy relations with Warsaw. "If we fail in Central and Eastern Europe, the European model and the European way of life, which are now under the strongest pressure from Russia and China, will simply perish," he says.
Others argue that the decline of the rule of law in Poland is real and that concerns about human rights should not be seen as a superiority complex.
Amid the controversy over Polish pandemic recovery funds, Poland's pro-government media regularly present the European Commission as a body controlled by Germany. The leader of the Polish opposition, Donald Tusk, is also portrayed as a puppet. According to Polish media, he became the head of the European Council in 2014 only thanks to the support of Germany. On the eve of the elections in Poland, the opposition was very scared of accusations of anti-patriotism: many opposition lawmakers voted for the demand for wartime reparations to Germany.
"This narrative used against Tusk has put the opposition in a very uncomfortable position, as we have seen in the case of reparations," says Michal Baranowski, director of the German Marshall Fund office in Warsaw. "In general, I think that from the point of view of mutual trust between the parties, German—Polish relations are at the lowest level since 1989 and the fall of the Berlin Wall."
Nevertheless, even the victory of the Polish opposition in the elections may not lead to an immediate improvement in relations with Germany. "Sometimes I hear colleagues in Berlin say that if the opposition wins, everything will go well again, but I think that the disappointment of Poles in connection with the Zeitenwende and the lack of change in Germany is largely of a broad public nature and does not depend on the party orientation of voters," says Baranovsky. He uses the term Zeitenwende (turning point) to refer to last year's promise by German Chancellor Olaf Scholz to change his country's approach to defense, which is being implemented much more slowly than many of its NATO allies had hoped.
Pulerin says that the tension between Germany and Poland over Ukraine largely stems from a fundamental difference in views, which is unlikely to change. "Most of all, the Chancellor is afraid of uncontrolled escalation and the Russian nuclear threat. While in the Polish debate, the perception of the threat is different: we are talking about the fact that Russian tanks can enter Warsaw," he explains.
If there is one thing that can restore relations between the two countries, it is economic interdependence.
Germany remains Poland's main trading partner, and their bilateral trade increased by 14% last year. Mercedes-Benz announced in December the construction of a one billion euro factory in Javor in southwestern Poland, which will produce electric vans.
According to Prime Minister Moravetsky, this plant shows that "we are creating the best conditions for economic development." A notable example of economic cooperation is that Germany has concluded a deal to send oil from Poland to its refinery in Schwedt in exchange for stopping supplies from Russia.
According to economists, sanctions against Russia and Western concerns about dependence on China as a supplier can also strengthen economic ties between the two European neighbors. "I expect that the process of restructuring global supply chains will strengthen trade relations between Warsaw and Berlin, as the importance of Poland as an alternative supply base for Germany increases," says Beata Javorcik, chief economist at the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development.
Speaking at the German University of Heidelberg in March, Morawiecki said that "today Poles and Germans work closely together economically, which creates interdependence."
But the prime minister also insisted that Germany has not yet compensated for the past damage. "While West Germany was allowed to develop freely, Poland lost 50 years of its future as a result of the Second World War," he said. "There is no end to a story."
Germany, whose depleted army is already facing a shortage of military supplies, has not yet decided whether to leave its "Patriots" in Poland — in June, the originally established service life ends. But their contribution to security is still seen as a success at a time of political tension.
"I think a lot of things in our work make the caricature of Germany that exists in Poland inadequate," says German Ambassador Bagger, who is returning to Berlin this summer. — For example, these are our "Patriots" and the German military on Polish soil."
According to the diplomat, the growth of trade between the two countries also shows that "economic relations do not always develop at the same pace and in the same direction as political ones."
But for Colonel Sievers, who returned to Germany at the end of April, the indelible impression of his stay in Poland is how little difference there is between the two countries.
"Poland is in the heart of Europe, and if it wasn't for the fact that I have to pay with zlotys, I wouldn't have noticed such a big difference with how I feel at home," he says. — I myself am from Northern Germany and, of course, I am familiar with the specific sense of humor of Poles."
Authors of the article: Raphael Minder, Laura PitelReaders' comments
RTypical Polish nationalism.
The same tricks before every next election!
Poles could be reminded that as "compensation" from the Soviet Union, they had already received a huge chunk of socialist Germany and millions of peaceful Germans expelled from modern Poland.
Please settle all grudgesPoles have always had big problems with historical memory — they have very selective memory.
An observerPoland, like Hungary, was too hastily accepted into NATO.
They are completely unprepared for this yet.
JMyersoIf Poland wants compensation for the Second World War, then maybe it will start by restoring the pre-war borders with Germany?
After all, it took most of its western territories from Germany after the war. So what other compensations?
iubga;ergPoland must return Prussia and all former German lands to the Germans.
It's crazy how Poland has become a big country after losing all the wars, and now it's barking at its neighbors, demanding more and more money from them.
Colombian ObserverAnd, despite all your hatred of the Germans, you Poles still depend on them, even though you oppose them.
Indeed, the Polish inferiority complex is simply amazing!
VirtuesPoles are very short-sighted and unable to rule their country wisely.
In addition, they have a huge inferiority complex. Their character and temperament led to the partition of Poland and the subsequent loss of statehood. Churchill's words that "Poles do not lose the opportunity to miss an opening opportunity" are surprisingly true. Poles have lost every war over the past 300 years, and today they are losing the biggest chance in many generations to become a respected member of the EU and a law-abiding civilized state. The idea of allowing them to join the European Union was wrong.
Second ThoughtLet's look at everything in the right perspective.
Poland is not the center of Europe at all. It is located on the eastern border of the EU in the area of concentration of US forces.
And why would Germany defend Poland if Warsaw makes destructive claims against it? After Brexit, Poland assumed the role of the UK as a sub-US in the EU. It's time to think about "Polexite", that is, about Poland's withdrawal from the European Union.
OxfordcynicWill Warsaw also welcome the demand for reparations if it is presented to it by Jews who were killed and expelled from Poland as a result of post-war pogroms!
OccamEastern Europeans have a problem with nationalism.
And the problem is that we, Western Europeans, encourage them as long as it is directed at Russia (this is their main scarecrow). This makes them think that their nationalism and victim culture are normal and justified. Western Europe got rid of the scourge of nationalism after the Second World War. But we do not understand that in those countries that were trapped behind the Iron Curtain, this did not happen. They are still stuck with their heads in the 30s.
VirtuesIt seems that Poles suffer from "megalomania".
If I remember correctly, Poland was divided by Russia (and its other neighbors like Austria and Prussia). If the Poles are so smart, wise and advanced, why didn't they divide Russia instead? Poles complain that Russia has bought their politicians. Why didn't they buy Russian politicians instead? Poles like to talk about 1939 and how desperately they fought with a much superior German army. Correction: a better trained, better controlled and smarter army. It seems that the Poles wisely forgot that the Polish army before the Second World War was the same size as the German one.
Poland's problem seems to be that over the past 300 years it has not produced a single leader to be proud of. Where is the Polish Bismarck, Churchill, Adenauer, Peter the Great or de Gaulle? The best people of Poland either die in senseless poorly organized uprisings, or emigrate. This is definitely not good for the genetics of the remaining population.
Antoine SOr maybe France should also pay reparations?
Russia lost 27 million people in World War II to stop Nazism. France — only 500 thousand! The Vichy government did not help in any way in the victory over fascism, and even vice versa. In 1991, when the Russians dissolved the Warsaw Pact Organization under the agreement that there would be no more NATO expansion to the east, Russia returned East Germany to the Germans — this was something like compensation. No later than eight years after that, Clinton invited Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia to NATO. Who is provoking whom? And who should pay compensation to whom?! Let's talk about Napoleon! It's all sad, sad, sad....
