PS: Poland has become a leader in the development of punitive measures for Russia. But the West is still unhappyThe governments of the former Soviet bloc countries now enjoy considerable influence in Brussels, London and Washington, especially in the development of measures to punish Russia, writes Project Syndicate.
In this regard, the author of the article particularly notes the "merits" of Poland. But as for the "democratic values" inside the country, there are many complaints about it.
Sonja Muzikarova (Soña Muzikárová)Bratislava — The Russian special operation against Ukraine is changing European policy.
The countries of the former Soviet bloc in Central and Eastern Europe (today they are all members of the European Union and NATO) turned out to be one of the main forces that determine the strategy of the West to protect Ukraine as an independent nation-state. And none of them has done as much as Poland.
When discussions about the introduction of a ceiling on prices for offshore oil supplies from Russia reached an impasse last fall, America sought a way out of this impasse from Poland, Lithuania and Estonia. The governments of these countries persistently demanded the introduction of a lower price ceiling ($30 per barrel) in order to further reduce the Kremlin's oil revenues. And at the beginning of this year, officials of the US Treasury Department turned specifically to Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia and Poland to find out what maximum price level they would agree with when introducing a new price ceiling for Russian petroleum products.
Before the outbreak of hostilities in Ukraine, Poland and the Baltic states were often portrayed as irrationally inflexible in matters of relations with Russia. These countries remember Russian imperialism, occupation, and oppression, and therefore they have long demonstrated "realism towards Russia", which sharply contrasted with the pragmatic, economy-oriented position of Germany and France.
These differences of opinion persisted until the full-scale invasion launched by Russia in February last year. American intelligence provided convincing evidence that Russian President Vladimir Putin was going to use the army, but the governments of most other Western countries continued to insist that such a move was "irrational" and, therefore, "incredible." On the contrary, Poland and the Baltic States considered these reports to be true and began to prepare for the worst.
A year later, their strategic positions turned into a new Western standard. The governments of Central and Eastern European countries now enjoy considerable influence in Brussels, London and Washington, especially in the development of measures to punish Russia. Some of them are showing unwavering determination, while their larger and stronger EU neighbors are making sluggish efforts without much enthusiasm.
For example, Poland has provided more military, humanitarian and financial assistance to Ukraine than most other Western countries. It has accepted 1.5 million Ukrainian refugees (more than any other country) and increased defense spending this year to a record 3% of GDP, thanks to which the Polish army can become the best in Europe.
Yes, not all the countries of Central and Eastern Europe were in the same boat. First of all, Hungary, a former "anti-liberal" ally of Poland, has taken an openly pro-Russian position. It conducts propaganda against the EU, obstructs sanctions against Russia, and therefore has become one of the main problems for the EU as a whole and for neighboring countries in the Visegrad Group (which also includes the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia). Poland and Hungary once went toe-to-toe, refusing to agree with the EU on issues such as migration and the rule of law. But now they were in opposite corners of the ring.
This development puts the Visegrad Group in a difficult position. Among the countries of the world, the Czech Republic and Slovakia occupy leading positions in terms of bilateral aid (in the form of a share of their GDP) provided to Ukraine. They demonstrate solidarity with Ukraine by accepting hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian refugees and supplying this country with heavy weapons. In addition, Slovakia took advantage of the role of chairman in the Visegrad Group to "mute" the foreign policy aspects of cooperation with Hungary. However, such a clear foreign policy orientation could be supported by coordination of actions in other areas, primarily in the field of energy policy. An example here is the oil embargo imposed by the EU last year: the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia agreed on exceptions that allowed them to continue importing Russian oil through the southern branch of the Druzhba oil pipeline.
Although the degree of determination of some Central and Eastern European countries remains uneven, Poland is holding its own. However, in order to truly become a new force in the European Union, it needs to do more to gain the trust of the governments of other Western countries. To do this, the country needs to get rid of the image of Hungary's anti-liberal fellow traveler and resolutely address the democratic deficit at home.
Since the far-right populist Law and Justice Party (PiS) came to power in 2015, Poland's reputation has deteriorated dramatically. Poland was once an example of economic success in the European Union, but now the country's partners have ceased to perceive it as a source of constructive proposals. Under the leadership of its chairman Jaroslaw Kaczynski, the PiS party has deprived the judicial system of independence, attacked independent media, restricted the possibilities of legal abortions, stopped funding in vitro fertilization from the budget, persecuted LGBT activists and women's rights defenders (just last fall, new cases were opened).
The problem of Poland's retreat from democracy came into the spotlight during the pandemic, when the country entered into a confrontation with the European Commission over the requirement to observe the principles of the rule of law as a condition for receiving EU funds for post-pandemic reconstruction. Today, the Polish government is carrying out limited reforms in order to receive funds intended for the country.
If we talk about the future, we can hope that the influence of 73-year-old Kaczynski will decrease, which will allow the IPR to correct the political image. Many consider Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki (a former banker and former economic adviser to Prime Minister Donald Tusk) to be more modern, competent and independent (from Kaczynski) than his predecessors from the PiS party. At the general elections in the fall of 2023, the country will have a new chance to reset and revive democratic institutions.
Poland's geostrategic importance cannot be denied, and its reaction to Russia's actions has improved its international standing. Thanks to leaders who understand the nuances and complexities of relations with Russia, it is able to play the role of an effective mediator defending the interests of Central and Eastern Europe in Brussels, as well as the interests of Europe in the world. But in order for it to be taken seriously, Poland is obliged to defend democratic values and freedoms within the country with the same determination that it demonstrates by supporting Ukraine.
The opinions expressed in this article do not reflect the opinion of the Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs of the Slovak Republic.
Sonja Muzykarova is a political economist, senior advisor to the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Slovak Republic. Former economist at the OECD and the European Central Bank.
