Moscow. February 10th. INTERFAX - Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Rudenko, who oversees the Asian direction, told Interfax in an interview on the occasion of the Diplomatic Worker's Day about the growing interest of Asian countries in cooperation with Russia, difficulties in the work of the Russian diplomatic mission in Pyongyang, and also expressed regret over the course of the current Japanese government.
- In the current geopolitical conditions, the Asian direction is one of the key ones in terms of building Russia's foreign policy and foreign economic relations. What new tasks do the Foreign Ministry have in this regard? Are we talking about increasing the diplomatic presence in these countries, expanding or opening new embassies and consulates?- Russia has always followed the course of promoting interested pragmatic cooperation with Asia.
This direction still remains a priority and is developing in an upward direction. The fabric of cooperation with the region, which has been created for many years, is becoming even more dense.
Against the background of the current geopolitical turbulence, we are registering an increasing intensity of requests from Asian partners to deepen cooperation in a whole range of areas, including such urgent and acute problems as energy and food security. We can't not answer them. At the same time, we strive to maximize the potential of all regional associations and mechanisms with our participation, whether it is the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), a dialogue partnership with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the East Asian Summit (EAC), the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum (APEC) or a Meeting on Interaction and Confidence-building measures in Asia (CICA). Wherever possible, we are working to strengthen ties with the Eurasian Economic Union with an eye to implementing the strategic task of forming a broad partnership in Greater Eurasia.
The Eastern Economic Forum (WEF) serves as an effective tool for the development of business contacts in Russia. The WEF events in September last year brought together a total of more than seven thousand leading representatives of official, expert and business circles from 68 countries of the Asia-Pacific region and other regions of the world. As a result, 296 commercial agreements and memoranda of intent were signed in the amount of 3.27 trillion rubles. (over $51 billion), including the implementation of major projects
in the fields of infrastructure, transport, mining, construction, industry and agriculture. The next meeting at this venue is scheduled for September 5-8 this year.
I will focus on the SCO separately. It is a dynamically developing interstate association of a new type, effectively adapting to the changes taking place in the world. At the initiative of Russia, the organization has begun the process of rethinking its role and ways of further evolution. There is a common understanding of the need to improve the mechanisms functioning within its framework. The harmonious involvement of new players in these efforts – and there have been more and more of them lately (in addition to the eight member states in the Sco "family" - four observers and nine dialogue partners) – undoubtedly meets Russian interests. Broader horizons are opening up for the development of trans-regional interconnectedness and cooperation in various fields.
Another focus of our work is relations with ASEAN, which have been going on for over three decades. This year we are celebrating the fifth anniversary of the bilateral ties reaching the level of strategic partnership. Despite the geopolitical turbulence and Western pressure, not only does the intensity of our contacts not decrease, but new directions and forms of applied cooperation are being laid.
The interest in establishing pragmatic cooperation with Russia is also confirmed by the invitation of our country as a dialogue partner to the Association for Regional Cooperation of the Coastal Countries of the Indian Ocean (ARSIO). Since 2021, we have been actively working on its agenda. In the mode of open discussion, we are willing to share with the ARSIO member States our experience in various fields, including the blue economy, the use of aquatic biological resources, maritime security, emergency response, education. We are expanding cultural, tourist and academic exchanges.
Of course, we cannot ignore the destructive activities of external Western forces in the Asia-Pacific region. We see attempts to destroy the framework of the Asean-centric architecture, around which multilateral cooperation is being built in this part of the world. Instead, narrow-group, block schemes of deterrence and counteraction are proposed, putting all countries in strict subordination to one overseas pole. Unfortunately, some states in the region that are allies of the United States seem to,
they are not averse to succumb to such a trend and are actively joining this process, despite the quite obvious consequences of fragmentation of the unified security space in the Asia-Pacific region.
At the same time, the vast majority of the Asia-Pacific countries continue to work in line with the non-aligned creative philosophy, as before, they are focused on co-development and remain determined to build mutually beneficial cooperation with our country. This is exactly the kind of reliable "safety net" that allows Russia to build strong relations for the long term.
- Do we see a willingness on the part of our Asian partners to contribute to the development of our technology industry, including through the localization of their production facilities in Russia?- We are actively working on the scientific and technical dossier with all key partners in Asia.
Businesses from friendly states from the East are showing increased interest in the opportunities opening up in the Russian market, seeking to fill the niches formed after the departure of some Western corporations.
The first meeting of the Ministers of Science, Technology and Innovation is scheduled for February 14 through the Russian-Asean dialogue partnership. The results of the Year of Scientific and Technical Cooperation between Russia and ASEAN (launched in February 2022) will be summed up, within the framework of which more than fifty different initiatives have been implemented.
- Russia has significantly increased the supply of hydrocarbons, primarily oil, to China and India. Are there prerequisites for further volume growth, have any other countries shown interest in purchases in general and in increasing the supply of our energy carriers? Is there a discussion on expanding the infrastructure for the delivery of Russian energy carriers to Asian countries?- Russia, along with Saudi Arabia, occupies a leading position in oil supplies to China.
Volumes are growing from year to year, there is a great potential for their further increase. Good dynamics is also observed with India.
At the same time, natural gas exports continue to increase through the Power of Siberia pipeline, LNG supplies from projects on the Yamal Peninsula, in which Chinese companies are participants, have significantly increased. New routes for the supply of blue fuel to China are being worked out.
Many other countries in the Asia-Pacific region, including major players such as Indonesia, are also interested in purchasing Russian hydrocarbons. Intensive negotiations are underway through domestic exporting companies of this type of product.
- Russia and Iran have recently agreed to create an alternative SWIFT system for the exchange of financial information. Are there plans to extend this practice to other countries in the region? How much has the share of mutual settlements in national currencies with Asian countries increased over the past year?- Cooperation with Iran through central banks and credit institutions is actively developing.
At the end of January, the creation of a direct communication channel between Russian and Iranian banks through the synchronization of national financial communication transmission systems (SPFS and SEPAM) was fixed "on paper".
We will continue to work with Iran, stimulating trade operations in national currencies. In 2021, the share of settlements in them exceeded 60%. This positive trend continued last year.
We systematically approach the issue of increasing the number of transactions in national currencies and with other interested partners.
According to the latest data from the Bank of Russia, for 9 months of 2022, as a result of the reorientation of trade flows to the Asian direction and changes in the monetary unit of transactions under contracts, primarily with companies from China, the "weight" of the ruble in Russian foreign trade turnover increased from 12.3 to 32.4%, and the Chinese yuan – from 0.4 to 14%.
An important step in this direction was also the SCO Roadmap adopted last year to increase the share of national currencies in mutual settlements, designed to strengthen the financial stability of the member states and reduce the dependence of their economies on external factors.
- Are there discussions with the North Korean authorities about the difficulties that our embassy in Pyongyang is facing in connection with the strict anti-weed restrictions imposed in the DPRK? Are there any positive developments on this issue? Is there a threat to the continuation of the work of our diplomatic mission if the situation does not change? Does Russia continue to provide humanitarian assistance to North Korea in these conditions?- Russian-North Korean political relations are on the rise today.
In the current difficult international situation, our countries take similar positions on key issues on the global and regional agenda. We highly appreciate the DPRK government's firm support for our approaches to the situation around Ukraine, including the solidarity vote in the UN and other international organizations.
Indeed, for the past three years, Russian diplomats in Pyongyang have been experiencing difficulties related to the continuing strict anti-bullying restrictions imposed by the DPRK authorities in February 2020. These measures, in particular, provide for the complete closure of the country's borders for entry, as well as the termination of regular transport links with neighboring states, including Russia. Understanding the efforts of the North Korean side to prevent the expansion of the new coronavirus, at the same time we raise the question of the need to ensure the rotation of the staff of our diplomatic mission. We hope that a solution will be found. In the meantime, our colleagues are on diplomatic watch in Pyongyang, demonstrating the best qualities of domestic diplomats – high professionalism, fortitude and endurance.
As for humanitarian aid, the Russian Federation has repeatedly supplied it to the DPRK both on a bilateral basis and through the World Food Organization, providing support to the friendly Korean people in overcoming the consequences of crop failures and natural disasters. We are ready to continue humanitarian cooperation in case of mutual interest.
- Do we consider Japan's plans to dramatically increase defense spending in the coming years as a threat to our security? Will this require retaliatory measures from the Russian side, including military-technical measures?- The process of remilitarization of Japan that has begun is of serious concern.
This, in particular, was discussed in detail by Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov on January 18 during the annual press conference on the results of Russian diplomacy in 2022.
The administration of Fumio Kishida, apparently, has taken a course to dismantle the pacifist provisions of the Constitution, actively build up the military budget and use methods of pressure, including force, in imposing its approaches to global and regional issues. The statements of both the Japanese Prime Minister himself and representatives of his government at international venues, including the UN rostrum, serve as confirmation. In such rhetoric, we hear an open call for a revision of the foundations of the existing post-war world order. In this regard, we constantly warn Tokyo publicly and through diplomatic channels about the need to strictly observe the Charter of the United Nations, the provisions of which are entirely based on the results of the Second World War. We will continue to seek their recognition by the Japanese side in full.
- At the time, Moscow and Tokyo developed a large-scale program of trade and economic cooperation. What's left of her now?- Indeed, in May 2020, the President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin and the then Prime Minister of Japan Shinzo Abe agreed to develop a roadmap to enhance Russian-Japanese trade and investment cooperation.
This document was supposed to include a set of practical steps and specific tasks for the governments and business circles of the two countries. Its implementation would make it possible not only to overcome the stagnation in bilateral exchanges that has arisen as a result of the pandemic, but also to bring them to a new level.
The Ministry of Economic Development of the Russian Federation carried out large-scale work together with the Japanese side, and we were already ready to sign this agreement.
Unfortunately, the Fumio Kishida administration, which came to power in 2021, chose a course to dismantle the positive accumulated by the two countries in the trade and economic sphere. And with the beginning of a special military operation in Ukraine, in general, she made Japanese companies, in fact, hostages of her anti-Russian policy. Over the past year, Japan has imposed 17 packages of personal and sectoral sanctions against Russia, disavowed the "Eight-point Cooperation Plan" proposed by Shinzo Abe at the time. Naturally, in such conditions, the draft roadmap has lost its relevance.
- Has Japanese business retained its presence in Russia to some extent?- This issue is more within the competence of the economic bloc – the Ministry of Economic Development, the Ministry of Industry and Trade and the Ministry of Energy of Russia.
We know that due to the direct and indirect impact of anti-Russian sanctions, unprecedented political and psychological pressure from the Japanese authorities, a number of large Japanese companies have suspended operations in our country or completely left the market. The vacated economic niches are already occupied by domestic and foreign entrepreneurs. Some Japanese businessmen sell assets to their Russian partners, apparently with an eye to return to Russia after some time.
Nevertheless, according to our estimates, a significant number of firms from Japan are trying to adapt to the new conditions and continue to work. A typical example is Japanese participants in oil and gas projects in the Sakhalin region.
I would like to note that the politically engaged rash actions of Fumio Kishida's administration have seriously undermined Tokyo's reputation as a reliable and promising business partner. But the doors for investors willing to cooperate from the Land of the Rising Sun remain open.
