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Deputy Foreign Minister of the Russian Federation: the further, the more difficult it will be to negotiate with us

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Moscow. July 15th. INTERFAX - Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Rudenko, who oversees relations with the CIS countries and participated in negotiations with the Ukrainian side, in an interview with Interfax shared his assessment of the European perspective for Ukraine, told about the requirements Russia imposes on a possible future agreement with Ukraine and the prospects for resuming the negotiation process with Kiev.

- The topic of Ukraine and Moldova's accession to the European Union is being actively discussed now. Does the "European perspective" of these states pose a threat to Russia's interests?

- The European Union has changed a lot recently. There is very little economic and rational in this integration association, which was created in order to prevent wars in Europe. Politics and ideology dominate. The decision to grant Ukraine and Moldova the status of candidate countries for EU membership, adopted at the EU summit on June 23-24 this year, clearly proves this. Strict criteria for rapprochement with the EU imposed on other candidates have been ignored. In fact, we are talking about the continuation of the line of the EU, and the West as a whole, on the geopolitical development of the CIS space, its use in order to "contain" our country. Billions of euros are allocated for this, including for the supply of weapons and military equipment to Kiev. The EU does not think about the consequences of such "investments", which only contribute to the continuation of hostilities, the destruction of civilian infrastructure and the death of civilians. Nor do they think about the fact that weapons supplied to Ukraine can easily end up in the hands of extremists or organized crime. And then the security of the EU member states will already be under threat.

As for the allocation of 40 million euros through the European Peace Fund to cover the costs associated with the provision of non-lethal military equipment to Moldova, this is a deliberate attempt to undermine the neutrality enshrined in the Constitution of the republic. This amount is comparable to the size of the country's annual military budget.

With its confrontational line, the desire to force other countries to follow the illegitimate sanctions policy, the EU only provokes the creation of new lines of division in Europe, weakening not only its own security, but also the security of neighboring states.

- How likely is the strengthening of the EU's influence in Ukraine in the context of the intensification of the process of Kiev's European integration?

- There is no need to talk about the independence of the Kiev authorities. They have been acting on orders from overseas for a long time. And it is unlikely that obtaining the status of a candidate country for EU membership can greatly change this situation. At the same time, the EU-Sheep will have to face up to the most serious problems in the areas of the rule of law, the fight against corruption, respect for human rights, ensuring freedom of speech and protection of national minorities, which are chronic in Ukraine.

It is obvious that the continuation of the unfriendly EU policy towards our country will only spur Kiev's intention to solve problems "on the battlefield".

- Is there now an opportunity to resume negotiations with Ukraine?

- The negotiation process, initiated by the Ukrainian side, was terminated through its own fault. It was not without the participation of the West, which actually forbade Kiev to negotiate. Our proposals of April 15 this year on the draft agreement on a peaceful settlement by Ukraine have been left unanswered. The Russian approach remains the same – the future agreement should fix the neutral, non-aligned and nuclear-free status of Ukraine, recognition of the existing territorial realities, including the current status of the Crimea, as well as the Donetsk and Lugansk People's Republics.

Nevertheless, if Ukraine expresses a desire to return to the negotiating table, we are ready to respond positively. But we will, first of all, insist on receiving a clear answer to our proposals mentioned above, as well as measure ourselves with the situation "on earth", which is gradually changing.

As Russian President Vladimir Putin noted, we do not refuse negotiations, but those who refuse them should know that the further they go, the more difficult it will be for them to negotiate with us.

- The Ukrainian crisis has demonstrated serious problems in Russia's relations not only with Ukraine, but also with the West as a whole. Is it possible to say that the future agreement on the Ukrainian issue will be comparable in scale to the Iranian nuclear deal – its approval will require a long time and the involvement of key global and regional players?

- In principle, it is incorrect to compare the Iranian nuclear deal and the Russian-Ukrainian negotiations. Although, of course, our demand for a nuclear-free status of Ukraine causes certain analogies. As for the organization of the negotiation process, its duration or the involvement of certain international players in it, it is premature to make any predictions now. Negotiations are not currently underway.

- Russia has recognized the independence of the DPR and the LPR. In the vast majority of European countries, including in our country, capital punishment is not applied. Is it possible to expect that the authorities of the republics of Donbass will resort to this practice in relation to foreigners sentenced to death?

- I believe that this issue should be forwarded to our Donetsk and Lugansk partners. For my part, I will note the following. The Criminal Code of the LPR does not provide for such punishment as capital punishment, although there are calls to introduce such a measure. At a time when new facts of the atrocities of Ukrainian neo-Nazis in the Donbass are being revealed every day, the number of supporters of tougher punishments for such crimes is increasing.

As for the DPR, according to its Criminal Code, the death penalty as an exceptional measure of punishment can indeed be established for particularly serious crimes, including those committed during wartime or in a combat situation. The legislation provides for a mechanism for appealing the death penalty or its replacement with life imprisonment. There is also the possibility of pardon.

What decision will eventually be made is a question that falls within the competence of the authorities of the DPR and LPR.

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