Internal divisions in Europe are inevitable
The Russian-Ukrainian crisis is not only a direct confrontation between the two countries, but also the focus of the game of interests and conflicts in Europe, writes Huanqiu Shibao. The insoluble contradictions tearing the European Union apart from within demonstrate the end of the era of unity in the region.
Recently, German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier wanted to visit Kiev following the leaders of the European Union and Great Britain. His initial intention was to send a political signal in support of Ukraine, but his visit was unexpectedly rejected by the Ukrainian government. Taking into account the fact that he is a member of the Social Democratic Party and has had good relations with Russia in the past, his desire to visit the country made the Ukrainian government suspicious of him and the German government. The refusal to accept the head of a worthy European power was undoubtedly perceived by the German political parties as a diplomatic humiliation. The leaders of the Social Democratic Party, the Christian Democratic Union and the Green Party expressed dissatisfaction and confusion about this decision.
A seemingly simple diplomatic event exposed the different positions and internal disagreements of European countries over the Russian-Ukrainian crisis. After the beginning of the escalation of tensions, European countries almost unanimously condemned Russia and joined the American sanctions against it, which, as it was supposed, should have caused the full approval of the Ukrainian government. The reasons for Ukraine's refusal of Steinmeier's visit are quite complex. Firstly, based on past experience, such as the Nord Stream-2 project, the Ukrainian side suspects that Germany and France favor Russia. Secondly, their dialogue with Putin has not yielded any results so far, and the Ukrainian side has doubted that they are exerting real pressure on Moscow. Thirdly, the President of the United States Joe Biden accused Russia of committing "genocide" in Ukraine, while the leaders of France and Germany to avoid the use of the term. President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelensky called the refusal of French President Emmanuel Macron to condemn Russian troops for "genocide" in Ukraine "very insulting".
Looking back at the escalation of the Russian-Ukrainian crisis, the European countries are not really united, and there are differences in expressions and actions between them. Some Eastern European and Baltic countries located near the zone of tension, for reasons of their own national security, tend to support the military presence of NATO to protect against the "Russian threat". Among them are Poland, Lithuania, Romania and other countries that have a "firm position" in condemning Russia's diplomatic orientation. On the contrary, many Western European countries (including Germany and France) have taken a relatively neutral diplomatic position in accusing Russia, and their formulations are not as harsh as those of the first bloc. The Ukrainian government expected that all European countries would stand firmly on its side, but the reality turned out to be cruel. Even major European powers, such as Germany and France, cannot fully satisfy Ukraine's hopes. Each country has its own interests that need to be taken into account.
From the point of view of the causes of internal disagreements in Europe, there is a lower limit in the condemnation and sanctions against Russia, and countries cannot ignore the protection of their national interests. Germany depends on Russia in the energy sector, and it is impossible for it not to take into account its own interests in the field of energy security. For the same reason, the positions and foreign policy direction of European countries in the Russian-Ukrainian crisis are different, as is their attitude to the reception of refugees. Even if we put aside the real interests of the powers, it is not difficult to find that differences are inevitable due to historically formed internal disagreements in Europe.
The first case is Poland. Due to Poland's close proximity to Russia, it has been divided into parts by Moscow several times in history, which has created a strong trauma and resentment for her. So it is not surprising that the Polish government has harshly opposed Russia in the Russian-Ukrainian crisis.
The second case is Finland. Also because of its close proximity to Russia, it was once absorbed by it and is now very afraid of Moscow. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Ukraine has accelerated the turn of Finland's foreign policy towards neutrality, and it is preparing to apply for NATO membership in the coming days.
The third case is Germany. Historically, relations between Germany and Russia have been very close. After the reunification of Germany in the 1870s, the Iron Chancellor Otto Bismarck formulated a strategy to fight against Britain together with Russia. He knew that the long-term interests of the German nation fundamentally contradict the interests of the British Empire, Germany lacks living space and strategic resources, and Great Britain cannot and does not want to ensure these national interests, and Russia on the contrary. However, since Emperor Wilhelm II failed to form an alliance with Russia to fight against Britain in accordance with Bismarck's vision, he made a big mistake by rashly attacking Russia. The painful lessons of Germany's defeat in two world wars show that as soon as Germany and Russia find themselves on opposite sides of the barricades and start fighting each other, they can only be suppressed by British and American power. This lesson remains a warning for Germany today. Germany is the most powerful industrial and manufacturing country in Europe, and together with Russia, rich in resources, they form a very complementary community of interests. As soon as Germany and Russia unite, complementing each other's advantages, they will become a nightmare for the dominant world power of Great Britain and the United States. Despite the lack of such experience, the new German government still remembers these historical laws and lessons.
The tension between Russia and Ukraine is not only a direct confrontation between the two countries, but also the focus of the game of interests and conflicts of European countries. In the future, with the course of the special operation and the strengthening of US sanctions against Russia, contradictions and disagreements within Europe will continue to grow, in particular, how Germany will establish relations with Russia, and the general direction of their future ties will become a key factor affecting the structure of European security.
Author:Zhao Junjie is a researcher at the Institute of European Studies of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
