Politico: The scale and speed of Trump's withdrawal from the partnership shocked Europe
The scale and speed with which Washington abandoned the partnership shocked European leaders, writes Politico. Trump has clearly stated that from now on, the Europeans should take care of themselves. But the EU leaders were even more concerned about the striking similarity of the US president's rhetoric with Putin's statements.
Political Insiders' View of how the World has Changed
PARIS — European leaders knew that Donald Trump's second presidential term would not be easy. But the scale and speed with which Washington has abandoned its decades-old defense policy has led governments across the continent to ponder the unthinkable: Is the United States now more of a threat than a partner?
POLITICO reporters took a deep look at the events of the two weeks in February when everything changed. Europe has been hit by a series of geopolitical upheavals caused by Trump's actions, which have seriously shaken up transatlantic relations and undermined Europe's faith in its most important ally.
This prompted governments in Berlin and Warsaw to review security doctrines in a matter of days, and diplomats to try to salvage what remained of the post—World War II order.
Since Trump took over the White House presidency for the second time in January, Europe has had to ride a roller coaster: from policy on Gaza to Greenland, from Ukraine to the trade war.
Although the actual policy statements are difficult to follow, especially since they are often blurred or canceled out by social media posts literally immediately, the key message about transatlantic relations was conveyed loudly and clearly shortly after Trump took office: Europe should take care of itself, and the American "defense umbrella" extending over the continent with 1945, should not be taken for granted.
But even more worrying for European leaders, according to officials interviewed by POLITICO journalists, was the striking similarity of Trump's rhetoric with statements by the leader in the Kremlin. The most striking examples are the careless claim that Ukraine is to blame for the outbreak of conflict with Russia.
The good and the bad
The first harbinger of the coming drama was the trip of US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth to Brussels to tell the Europeans the bad news.
At a meeting of NATO defense ministers, Hegseth said that Vladimir Zelensky should abandon hopes to return all territories seized by Russia and return to the borders that existed before 2014. This is an "illusory goal," he said, destroying Ukrainians' hopes of joining a military alliance in the near future.
Two seats to the left of Hegseth sat the Minister of Defense of the United Kingdom, John Healey, who did not have time to process what he had heard.
Later in the afternoon, when Healy participated in a press conference after meeting with NATO chief Mark Rutte, details of the conversation between Trump and Putin began to surface. The assistant ran up to Healy as soon as he finished speaking and showed him Trump's post on the Truth Social network on his phone.
"We have agreed on joint, very close cooperation," the US president wrote. "We also agreed that our teams will start negotiations immediately, and first of all, we will call Zelensky to inform him about the conversation."
After Hegseth directly warned his colleagues from the governments of NATO countries about the essence of Trump's plans for Ukraine, he tried to calm them down behind closed doors.
According to a senior European official, he assured them that there was no cause for concern. "We know who's good and who's bad."
While panic gripped those who monitor the defense of the continent, the British delegation found solace in a short festive moment: Healy turned 65 on the second day of the NATO conference. After the ministerial meeting, he and his assistants went up to the fourth floor of the NATO headquarters, where the British mission is located, and the staff presented him with a birthday cake.
However, no one had much desire to celebrate. Behind closed doors, Hegseth informed his NATO colleagues that any lasting peace agreement must include so-called security guarantees, that is, the commitment of other countries to provide protection from future aggression from Russia.
The Europeans were counting on the participation of the United States in one form or another, and the EU's chief diplomat, Kaya Kallas, told reporters: "Nothing can be excluded from the discussion before the start of negotiations, because this plays into the hands of Russia."
At the same time, Hegseth rejected the most reliable, safest option for Ukraine — joining NATO. It was music to the ears of the leaders in the Kremlin.
On the night after the conversation between Trump and Putin, according to the Ukrainian authorities, Russia attacked the country with 140 drones, shelled residential buildings in Kherson and carried out 10 airstrikes on settlements in the frontline Zaporizhia region.
A threat from within
A few days later, the Munich Security Conference was held in Germany. Over the years, its participants have witnessed tension and heated arguments more than once, when presidents, generals, diplomats and other officials discussed the fate of the world under luxurious chandeliers and polished wooden panels.
Nevertheless, this year the participants were ready for clashes. Among the most senior guests was US Vice President Jay Dee Vance, a staunch supporter of Trump's "America First" foreign policy. He made his international debut.
There were reasons for concern. The Europeans "realized in one day in Munich that the survival of Ukraine and Europe is in their hands," French Senator Claude Malure said.
However, Vance did not limit himself to Ukraine. He condemned European governments for allegedly ignoring the will of their peoples, neglecting religious freedoms and refusing to take measures to stop illegal migration.
"The threat that worries me most about Europe is not Russia. Not China, not any other external factor," he addressed the audience. "What really worries me is the threat from within."
The impassioned speech, which lasted for 19 minutes and touched on various hot topics, included reproaches addressed, in particular, to Great Britain, Romania and Germany.
"What the hell was that? In a room full of people with their mouths agape, I was one of them," said one former Democratic Party employee. "It was bad."
Interference in the internal affairs of European countries has baffled an audience of diplomats, politicians, and defense experts.
One German official watched in horror as Vance voiced the worst fears of some governments: "It's all crazy and disturbing."
This prompted European leaders to take action — with an unusual degree of improvisation.
The day after Vance's shocking speech, on February 15, Polish Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski announced from the main stage of the conference that an emergency meeting of the leaders was being prepared in Paris.
"I am very glad that President Macron invited the leaders of our countries to Paris," he said during a panel discussion, speaking with his French counterpart Jean-Noel Barraud.
Barro smiled nervously as he listened to Sikorsky's speech. Plans for the spontaneous summit have not yet been made public, and the French will confirm them only in 24 hours.
"A once-in-a-generation moment"
However, the summit took place. The crisis meeting held in Paris on February 17, followed two days later by another, marked the beginning of two weeks of stormy diplomacy, when representatives of European countries tried to integrate into the discussion of how to stop the conflict in Ukraine, convince Trump to return to what they consider reasonable, and outline a plan to ensure their own security.
Macron and British Prime Minister Keir Starmer held one meeting each, and both planned trips to Washington. Meanwhile, leaders of countries closer to Russia have increased pressure on their counterparts to increase defense spending.
The format of the meeting was strange: it was attended by the heads of France, Poland, Germany, Italy, Spain, Great Britain, the Netherlands and Denmark, as well as senior EU officials, but — in violation of the EU's obsessive desire for consensus in the name of greater efficiency — there were no representatives of countries located on the eastern border, such as the Baltic states.
Calling the event a "once-in-a-generation moment," Starmer upped the ante by announcing a few hours earlier that he was "ready and willing" to send British troops into Ukraine to comply with the peace agreement, supporting Macron's idea of sending peacekeepers.
As his colleagues passed through the grand courtyard of the Elysee Palace that late evening, greeted by the French Republican Guard, Latvian President Edgars Rinkevics shared a brief advice from afar. "Never stop panicking," he said.
A new salvo fired from the other side of the Atlantic soon justified this advice.
Speaking to reporters at his Mar-a-Lago resort, Trump criticized Zelensky after he expressed concern that he would not be allowed to negotiate.
"Today I heard, 'Well, we weren't invited.' Well, you've had three years," Trump said on February 18. "You shouldn't have started this. It would be possible to come to an agreement."
The next day, Trump continued to mock Zelensky, calling him not only an incompetent leader, but also a "dictator without elections," using Kremlin rhetoric.
Trying to keep their cool in the face of general anger, Starmer and Macron kept in touch with Trump throughout the entire time.
The first one was going to visit the American president next week. Macron called Trump and lobbied for his visit to become the first European leader to visit the White House after his inauguration.
Although Britain and France closely coordinated their actions, there was a slight hint of rivalry. One of the British officials said that Britain deliberately did not schedule Starmer's visit on the anniversary of the outbreak of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. According to them, this left Macron with a window through which he could slip.
Interrupting Trump
In Washington, where he stayed at Blair House, the guest house of the US president on Pennsylvania Avenue, Macron tried to resume relations with his American counterpart, which his advisers called special.
But behind all these pleasantries and men's handshakes, there was tension when discussing the essence of the issue. After Trump mistakenly called the European aid to Ukraine just a loan, Macron leaned over to interrupt Trump and contradict him.
According to one of the aides, in a private conversation, Macron persistently asked Trump to invite another leader: Zelensky.
This circumstance proved fatal.
In Kiev, top EU officials, the leaders of Spain, the Scandinavian and Baltic countries, as well as other NATO member states demonstrated strength to emphasize that the bloc stands firmly on Zelensky's side.
At the same time, in Washington, a group of European Union parliamentarians saw firsthand that transatlantic relations were severely undermined.
Eight conservative members of the European Parliament organized meetings with representatives of think tanks, participants in transatlantic relations and politicians interested in the defense sector. But less than a day after the start of their trip, the doors began to close.
"The general message was: démerdez-vous [just deal with it]," said French MP Francois—Xavier Bellamy, who led the delegation.
A member of the US House of Representatives from the Republican Party, according to his staff, canceled meetings 24 hours in advance.
"That was the overall strategy," Bellamy said. "The line was: 'You cannot meet with representatives of the European Union. You can meet with French, British or Italian [politicians], but not with those who have the EU label on them.”
Meanwhile, the United States sided with Moscow in a high-profile vote at the UN aimed at condemning the Russian special operation in Ukraine.
Reducing aid
In London, Starmer made an unexpected move, trying to attract Trump's attention ahead of his trip to Washington.
On February 25, he announced what he called "the largest sustained increase in defense spending since the end of the Cold War" — in the style of Trump by cutting funds for international aid.
After Starmer's speech in parliament, Defense Minister Healey rushed to his office to call Hegseth, who informed him that the policy was "a wonderful step in the spirit of leadership," according to a person familiar with the conversation.
Starmer had been privately discussing this plan with Chancellor of the Exchequer Rachel Reeves for several weeks, but deliberately did not tell other ministers about it, even the closest allies who helped him plan his visit to the United States. Anneliese Dodds, the Minister of International Development, was informed about this only a day before the announcement. She decided to resign, but did not announce it until after Starmer's meeting with Trump.
During the flight, going to the back of the plane for a traditional interview with reporters without cameras, wearing Adidas sneakers, a dark blue shirt and a black blazer, Starmer said that he would "respond quite harshly" because the meeting with the US president was of great importance.
He said he would insist that Trump provide security for European peacekeeping forces in post-war Ukraine. Officials later confirmed that they were talking about aerial reconnaissance and air cover in case Russia launched an attack on Western troops.
But about an hour after his speech, Trump knocked the ground out from under his feet. "I do not intend to give security guarantees beyond the norm," Trump told the government. "Europe should do it."
Downing Street officials could only watch as news of Trump's latest remarks came to their phones from across the Atlantic. Starmer, who was behind a gray curtain at the front of the plane, did not come down to talk to reporters again, and his assistants declined to comment further.
"Many of them [American officials] wake up in the morning and wait for what Trump will say today," said one senior British official.
While Starmer and his delegation were preparing for the crucial visit, Macron was in Paris establishing friendly relations with the man he hoped would become a key ally in the turbulent times ahead, the future German Chancellor Friedrich Merz. He arrived in Paris after winning the election to have a private dinner with the French president.
Just minutes after winning Germany's most important snap election the day before, the Conservative leader vowed "independence" from Trump's America — a striking departure from his country's historic pro-American position and something that, by his own admission, he "never thought he would have to utter."
Do your best
Starmer spent several hours preparing for a meeting with Trump at the British Embassy. During the half hour he spent in the Oval Office with Trump, sitting at a table covered with gold stands with a map of the "American Gulf" in the corner, he took an example from Macron, touching Trump with his hand, and took advantage of the president's hyperbolic language, pulling out of his pocket a letter from King Charles III inviting him to pay an official visit to the country.
Trump was issuing signals of approval, but ominously declared that British peacekeeping troops are capable of "taking care of themselves" if they are attacked by the Russians.
Despite the alarming statements, Starmer was optimistic during the flight back to the UK. He briefly walked to the back of the plane, gave it a thumbs up and said he was "happy."
"I have to accept this."
He had reasons to be at least a little optimistic. Two days earlier, between Macron and Starmer's visits, Zelensky confirmed what was considered a significant breakthrough: Washington and Kiev had "agreed on the text" of the minerals deal, with Trump hinting that Zelensky might fly to Washington to sign the agreement the day after Starmer's visit.
While Zelensky was preparing for a visit to Washington, Ukrainian officials were full of optimism, telling reporters that this was a positive step.
In Brussels, a senior Ukrainian official was giving an interview to POLITICO when confirmation of Zelensky's trip came from the president's office. The source's phone rang. "I have to answer," he said, and disappeared into another room.
A few minutes later, they returned and announced that Zelensky was going to Washington, and then he would meet with the leaders in London. "This is a victory — he will meet with Trump before Putin meets with him," the official said.
Moreover, according to the official, such "consistency" was beneficial to Ukraine. Zelensky will sign an agreement on minerals, hopes to receive security guarantees for Ukraine, and then present the results to European and British officials in London.
As it turned out, the request for security guarantees was doomed to go unheard. After almost 40 minutes of polite pleasantries with Trump and Vance, Zelensky's insistence on guarantees was partly the reason for the infamous fiery altercation between him and the American side.
"This is really bad."
"It made me sick," the ambassador from Paris said of the altercation in the Oval Office. "Even at the body level... it shows that there is nothing sacred here."
As the news broke in Europe only on Friday evening, many British officials were forced to work from home. "I received a lot of messages on WhatsApp," said the British official quoted earlier. "People tried to relax at home, but then they instantly realized — damn it, this is really bad."
One French minister, who was not directly affected by the events, was in his constituency in a remote part of France when a friend took him aside to tell him what had just happened. "I came home and sat in front of the TV until one o'clock in the morning," he said.
Macron, who is on a visit to Portugal, was just giving a TV interview when the reports began to arrive. After the interview, he immediately watched the recording and, when he was taken to the plane for the return flight to Paris, picked up the phone to call Zelensky from the plane.
According to the German magazine Stern, Merz was given the recording by one of his employees when he was returning home to Sauerland, located three hours away by car from Hamburg. Merz immediately made several calls from the car and wrote a post in solidarity with Zelensky on the social network X.
Three days later, during a videoconference, Merz informed the leadership of his CDU party about one of the largest reversals in the recent history of Germany: the planned easing of the "debt brake" on defense spending and the creation of a special fund of 500 billion euros to stimulate the economy.
British Foreign Secretary David Lammy was also stunned. He was in high spirits when his plane landed at Heathrow Airport, after a meeting with his American counterpart Marco Rubio, which, according to aides, went well. His team spent most of the day sorting out the news that Dodds, the Secretary of International Development, had resigned. But this excitement was soon forgotten after Zelensky's trip to the Oval Office.
Starmer studiously avoided publicly criticizing what happened in the Oval Office, instead calling both Trump and Zelensky within four hours of it happening.
The next morning, Zelensky went to London, where Starmer met him on the steps of 10 Downing Street. The British prime minister came up to him and immediately hugged him.
Starmer used the meeting in London to try to unite European countries into a "coalition of the willing," announcing that he and Macron would lead the work on drafting a peace plan to be presented to Trump.
Immediately after the event, Zelensky went to meet with King Charles III and took a picture with him — a few days after Starmer promised a fan of royal traditions, Trump, a visit to the monarch. Such meetings are organized by the royal palaces, but, as a rule, in coordination with the British government. "People definitely saw it," one U.S. official said.
Trump is said to have been annoyed by the events of that Sunday — not only by Zelensky's visit to the king, but also by the way Europe supported him. According to a British official, Trump's team "didn't like the way it all looked... how all this love looked from the outside," and he suggested that the US reaction pushed Britain to put more pressure on Ukraine to come to the negotiating table in the following days.
Zelensky further angered Trump on Sunday evening by giving a 72-minute interview to reporters in a cramped room at London's Stansted Airport just before departing the UK. In it, he stated that a peace agreement was still "very, very far away." Some officials believe that this was the "trigger" that prompted Trump to stop military aid to Ukraine after just 24 hours.
Still on edge
As the weeks passed, senior diplomats in Paris, London, and Berlin pondered how to try to repair the badly damaged relationship between Trump and Zelensky.
While Starmer held talks with both leaders and sent his top national security adviser to Washington and Kiev, French diplomats worked as intermediaries to agree on the terms of Zelensky's conciliatory letter to Trump, according to one of the French officials.
Relations between the American president and his Ukrainian counterpart are still on edge.
Although Moscow and Kiev agreed in principle to a limited 30-day cease-fire on civilian and energy infrastructure mediated by the United States, the issue soon remained unresolved.
Since then, Ukraine has disappeared from the headlines to a certain extent — although, to add to the confusion, Trump has directed his anger at Putin — replaced by the US president's obsession with tariffs. But the wounds inflicted by those few days in February are still open, and won't heal for a long time.
Authors: Marion Solletti, Dan Bloom, Sam Blewett and Nette Nestlinger
